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2026-01-30

谷立言獨家專訪2》不只AI,關鍵礦物合作台灣也有角色!谷立言:台灣是美國全面性的伙伴 天下 20260130

【雙魚之論】
谷立言獨家專訪1》
谷立言獨家專訪2》

In the latter part of the interview, Raymond Greene clearly stated that agreements between Taiwan and the United States are bilateral Taiwan–U.S. agreements, and not extensions of U.S.–China relations or U.S.–China agreements. This critical clarification directly refutes Cheng Li-wen’s narrative that “the United States was once a benefactor, while China is a relative.” That narrative is rooted in a historical period spanning from Kissinger’s 1971 visit to China through roughly 1996, when the United States still regarded China as a potential partner. Since then, however, China has progressively transformed into one of the greatest challengers—and disruptors—of the existing international order.
The Blue–White camps’ persistent emphasis on drawing closer to China while avoiding reliance on the United States represents a profound misreading of global realities. Their thinking is outdated by roughly a quarter to half a century. More critically, they fail to recognize that the defining issue today is no longer cost, but security. Their obstruction of the Special Defense Budget Act further compounds this strategic misjudgment by actively weakening Taiwan’s defense posture.
Greene also emphasized that strengthening Taiwan’s defense budget would reinforce Taiwan’s role as a member of the community of allied nations, while advancing concrete areas of cooperation, including a comprehensive partnership, two-way Taiwan–U.S. investment, diversification of production layouts, green supply chains, and the “Pax Silica Declaration.”
He further stressed that cooperation between Taiwan and the United States extends beyond AI alone. In the realm of critical minerals, Taiwan likewise has a vital and indispensable role to play.

在本次專訪中,谷立言明確指出,台美之間的各項協議是台美雙邊協議,而並非美中關係或美中協議的一部分。這一關鍵聲明,直接回應並反駁了鄭麗文所提出的「美國曾經是恩人、中國是親人」的敘事框架。該種觀點源自1971年季辛吉訪中以來,一直到1996年前後,美國仍將中國視為潛在夥伴的歷史階段;然而,自此之後,中國已逐步轉變為顛覆既有國際秩序的最大威脅之一
藍白陣營持續強調「應親近中國、避免依賴美國」的主張,不僅嚴重誤判國際情勢,其思維更已落後時代約四分之一至半個世紀。他們完全忽略,當前的核心問題早已不再是成本,而是安全。更甚者,藍白還進一步阻擋《國防特別預算條例》,在戰略上自我削弱台灣的防衛能力。
谷立言同時指出,國防預算的強化,將有助於鞏固台灣作為友盟國家一員的地位,並推動多項具體合作方向,包括:全面性夥伴關係、美台雙向投資、生產佈局多元化、綠色供應鏈,以及「矽盛世(Pax Silica)宣言」等。
他也特別強調,台美合作不僅限於AI領域,在關鍵礦物的供應與合作上,台灣同樣扮演不可或缺的角色。 

不只AI,關鍵礦物合作台灣也有角色!谷立言:台灣是美國全面性的伙伴    天下 20260130

谷立言獨家專訪2從關稅到國防,美國最新的經濟安全走向是什麼?身為美國第四大貿易伙伴的台灣,中小企業與傳統產業將成為台美合作的新重心?

不到一年,美國在台協會處長谷立言(Raymond Greene)再度接受《天下》專訪。

時間點不只剛好在台美關稅協議揭曉之後,國防預算第十度在立法院被封殺,谷立言這陣子也不隱身,頻頻對外發言。

從關稅到國防,他多線溝通的內容看起來毫無相連,但背後,正牽動美國最新的經濟安全佈局。台美已不只是雙邊關係,更牽涉到區域、甚至全球經濟安全的搭建。

「台灣是美國的伙伴(Partner)。全面性的、尤其在經濟層面,」谷立言專訪時毫不諱言。

為什麼美國開始把經濟和安全綁在一起?台灣中小企業跟傳產在這個新戰略下,也有角色?

以下為《天下》專訪谷立言摘要,分為第一、第二篇,以下為第二篇:

谷立言獨家專訪1》國防預算十度封殺 獨家專訪AIT處長谷立言:台灣戰略正確,只差資源到位 天下 20260130 谷立言獨家專

【雙魚之論】
谷立言獨家專訪1》
谷立言獨家專訪2》

The conduct of Raymond Greene, Director of AIT Taipei, exemplifies how a great power wages regular warfare: every necessary step is taken, every contingency prepared for, leaving no opening for misinterpretation or accusation. Those who fail to understand this often mistake restraint for weakness. In reality, those who constantly shout, threaten, and call for confrontation are the truly weak ones.
A great power is not incapable of playing hardball—it simply knows when not to, and when such tools are best reserved for the final stage.
In the latter part of the first segment of the interview, Greene was asked what would happen if the Blue–White camps were to block the passage of the Special Defense Budget. His response was notably indirect. That very indirectness sends a clear signal: the United States has already anticipated this scenario and has its calculations in place. Even without going through Taiwan’s legislature in the usual manner—or in ways that align with public expectations of procedural formality—the United States will adopt what it deems an appropriate and strategically loyal course of action.
The reason is straightforward: Taiwan’s security is not merely a regional concern. It is the most critical pillar of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, and a core node of American national security itself.

AIT 台北處長谷立言的所作所為,正是大國進行正規戰(regular warfare)的典型展現所有必要的程序與佈局都做到位,滴水不漏,不給任何人留下口實。外行人往往誤以為這是懦弱,其實恰恰相反——成天叫囂、喊打喊殺的,才是真正的懦弱
大國並非不懂得耍流氓,而是知道什麼時候不該用、什麼時候才該留到最後再用
在專訪第一部分的後段,當被問及「若藍白阻擋國防特別預算無法過關」的情境時,谷立言的回應相當間接。這種間接,反而透露出一個關鍵訊號:美國早已有所預期,也已有完整盤算。即便不經由台灣立法院的正常程序,或不完全符合一般人對「形式上處理方式」的想像,美國仍將採取其認定為適當、且符合戰略忠誠的因應作法。
原因很簡單——台灣的安全不只是區域議題,而是美國印太戰略中最關鍵的一環,更是美國國家安全的核心節點

 

國防預算十度封殺 獨家專訪AIT處長谷立言:台灣戰略正確,只差資源到位    天下 20260130

谷立言獨家專訪11.25兆國防特別條例第十度卡關、中共解放軍高層張又俠落馬,當第一島鏈軍力平衡備受挑戰、台海風險升溫之際,華府究竟如何看待台灣的角色?

1.25兆的國防特別條例,至今已第十度被封殺。

海鯤號完成首次潛航測試,國民黨立委們立即增加預算解凍條件


【雙魚之論】
海鯤號完成首次潛航測試,然後國民黨立委們(馬文君、王鴻薇等)立即增加預算解凍條件:安全、裝備未全數到期等。 

海鯤號完成首次潛航測試    James Tseng FB 20260130

海鯤號在昨天完成第一次潛航測試,原本,我以為這只是非常單純的一項測試,沒想到,在傍晚居然看到有人在網路上嗆聲,說如何,潛艇是回來了沒?我才驚訝的發覺到,有一批人,正期待著海鯤號的失敗,對,台灣就是有這樣一群人,認為自己是中國人,每一天都在等待台灣落後,落難,比中國爛,然後他們才會感到開心。

但,事情就是永遠不會讓這些爛人開心,昨天海鯤號在晚上六點半順利完成返航,踏出我國潛艦國造進程中非常關鍵的一步。

這次海試的重要性就是「首次淺水潛航測試」,也就是讓潛艦正式離開水面,進入實際的水下作業環境,目的是驗證船體在承受水壓時的結構完整性,並確認各項密封組件是否滴水不漏。

新型態戰爭:滲透之戰已在台展開 A New Form of Warfare: The Infiltration War Has Already Begun in Taiwan

新型態戰爭:滲透之戰已在台展開 A New Form of Warfare: The Infiltration War Has Already Begun in Taiwan

回顧近兩年台灣立法院的運作,可以清楚看見一連串彼此呼應、並非偶發的行為:違憲立法、拒審預算、否決關鍵人事案,系統性地造成政府機關停擺。其影響涵蓋國家核心治理節點,包括國家通訊傳播委員會(可削弱紅色認知作戰)、憲法法庭(使違憲法律難以生效)、監察院(專注監督公務體系防弊與人權保護)。

2026-01-29

Special Passport for Kinmen residents Chen Yu-jen 為陳玉珍設計專用的「福建護照」

 



【雙魚之論】
Chen Yu-jen(陳玉珍), a legislator from Kinmen, is well known for repeatedly manipulating and conflating the concepts of China, the Republic of China, Taiwan, and Chinese nationalism to suit shifting political narratives. Her latest claim—that she is not Taiwanese but a “Fujian citizen”—is yet another example of this rhetorical paradox.
If this is truly her position, then by her own logic, the governing authorities in Taiwan, operating under the name of the Republic of China, should be expected to issue a separate passport specifically for individuals born in Kinmen and Matsu who explicitly deny being part of the Taiwanese people. After all, Kinmen and Matsu have, for an extended period, used currency specially overprinted and designated exclusively for circulation in Kinmen and Matsu.  After all, Kinmen and Matsu have, for an extended period, used currency specially overprinted military certificate designated exclusively for circulation in Kinmen and Matsu.

來自金門的立法委員陳玉珍,向來擅長在「中國」、「中華民國」、「台灣」以及「中國民族主義」等概念之間反覆挪用、混用,並依政治需要製造矛盾敘事。她近日宣稱自己「不是台灣人,而是福建人」,正是這種修辭操作的最新例證。
若這真是她的立場,那麼依其自身邏輯,台灣的治理當局——以中華民國之名行使主權者——應為那些出生於金門、馬祖,且明確否認自己屬於台灣人民的人,另行核發一種專屬的護照。畢竟,金馬地區也長期使用過加印「金馬專用」的專屬貨幣——軍票

中共要垮台?美軍警告:敢打台灣,習近平與高層全斬首! 說故事的那個男人 20260123

說故事的那個男人 20260123

KMT’s Cheng Li-wen: America as a “Former” Benefactor, China as a “Relative” — and Its Organs 鄭麗文 曾經的恩人,親人的器官

【雙魚之論】
As expected of the chair of the “Chinese” Kuomintang, Cheng Li-wen refers to the United States using the word “once,” implicitly acknowledging America’s postwar assistance to Taiwan while framing it firmly as something of the past.
By contrast, when speaking of China, Cheng describes it as “family,” invoking DNA to suggest that such kinship is immutable. Yet when this rhetoric is juxtaposed with the reality of organ harvesting—and, by extension, the chilling implications of so-called “child farms” and even “infant farms”—her invocation of “family” becomes profoundly unsettling and sends a shiver down the spine.

果然是「中國」國民黨的主席,鄭麗文提及美國用的是「曾經」兩字,雖然不否認其戰後對於台灣的援助,但都已經是過去式。
但對於中國,鄭麗文以「親人」來描述,透過DNA,親人關係是不會改變。但聯想到器官農場,已經更進一步的學童農場、嬰兒農場。鄭麗文的「親人」之說,令人不寒而慄!!

綠:鄭麗文把敵人當親人 不應跟施暴者站同一邊 中央社 20260129

國民黨主席鄭麗文昨天表示,美國曾是恩人,大陸是親人,不需要在美中之間選擇。民進黨立法院黨團今天表示,中國時常派機艦擾台,是台灣的敵人,鄭麗文把敵人當親人,被家暴的人不應該跟施暴者站在同一邊;至於把美國比喻是恩人也大可不必,國家間平等往來,都是友人。

鄭麗文昨天在國民黨中常會中表示,有朋友向她提到,「美國曾經是我們的恩人,但大陸是我們的親人」,中華民國從二戰之後,絕對不會忘記美國情誼,因為大家不是忘恩負義的人,但大陸是大家的親人,絕對做不出骨肉相殘的事情,所以不需要在美中之間選擇,兩岸和解也能帶來美中合作。

2026-01-26

國軍設聯合火力協調中心 台美聯合幕僚作業 聯合 20260125

【雙魚之論】
It seems to me that the Joint Fire Coordination Center is USTDC in a way.

國軍設聯合火力協調中心 台美聯合幕僚作業 聯合 20260125

因應各軍種陸續接裝美製火力裝備加上現役國造各式特種飛彈,國防部在台北大直博愛營區新成立國軍最高層級的「聯合火力協調中心」,藉以協調各軍種不對稱火力部署;且協調中心席位,有大批美國友盟人員所屬台美傳已實施多次聯合幕僚作業

為何柯文哲急推《人工生殖法》? Why Ko Wen-je Is Willing to Trade National Defense for the Artificial Reproduction Act


Why is Ko Wen-je so fixated on pushing the Artificial Reproduction Act? He has even proposed using this bill as a quid pro quo to trade with the ruling party for the National Defense Special Budget Act.
Yet the nature, importance, and urgency of these two matters are fundamentally incomparable. The defense budget concerns Taiwan’s very survival and national security, whereas the Artificial Reproduction Act, while related to livelihoods and medical rights, does not carry the same level of urgency or strategic significance. If the ruling party were to accept such a trade, it would amount to allowing Ko Wen-je to “take advantage of a moment of crisis,” potentially placing Taiwan in an even more dangerous situation.
On the surface, the amendment to the Artificial Reproduction Act is being led by TPP legislator Chen Chao-tzu, but in reality this is also an issue that Ko Wen-je himself has been forcefully promoting—so much so that his impatience and agitation reveal possible personal ambitions or ulterior motives. So what, then, is his true motivation?
Recent media reports indicate that China has developed extreme and horrifying practices in the field of biotechnology: not only involving designated organ transplants, but even advancing to the stage of forcibly abducting people to harvest their organs. More disturbingly, there are reported cases of targeting vulnerable women—including prostitutes or trafficked women—for forced pregnancy and childbirth, followed by the direct harvesting of infant organs or stem cells. So-called “biotechnology centers” or “institutes of life sciences” in Cambodia are reportedly cooperating with Chinese biological research institutes, operating a “baby farm” model in which newborns’ cerebrospinal fluid or stem cells are extracted to produce so-called “rejuvenation” or anti-aging products for China’s elite.
Against this backdrop, Ko Wen-je’s urgency in emphasizing the passage of the Artificial Reproduction Act—particularly provisions on surrogacy—may not be focused on addressing infertility or helping ordinary families. Rather, it may be an attempt to open up a manipulable channel involving surrogate mothers and the children they bear. The draft proposed by Chen Chao-tzu has been acknowledged by Ko himself as “rough,” lacking clear regulations on newborn health protections and parental responsibilities. Yet he attempts to justify pushing it through by saying, “Let’s get something first, then improve it later.” In this context, the most critical objective of rushing the bill through may well be to commercialize surrogate mothers and the children they give birth to.
Although this line of reasoning is a reasonable inference and suspicion based on existing reports—and not groundless speculation—the mere possibility of such a scenario is deeply unsettling and terrifying. Is Ko Wen-je a “Merchant of Venice”?

柯文哲為何如此執著於推動《人工生殖法》?他甚至提出願以該法與《國防特別預算條例》和執政黨進行對等交換。
然而,這兩者的性質、重要性與急迫性根本無法相提並論。國防預算是攸關台灣生存的國家安全議題,而人工生殖法雖涉及民生與醫療權益,卻不具同等迫切性與戰略層級。若執政黨接受這種交換條件,等於讓柯文哲「趁人之危」,甚至可能將台灣置於更危險的境地。
表面上,《人工生殖法》修法由民眾黨立委陳昭姿領銜提案,但實際上這也是柯文哲本人極力推動的議題,甚至因氣急敗壞而見其個人企圖或私心。那麼,他的真正動機究竟是什麼?
從近期媒體報導可見,中國在生物科技領域已發展出極端且駭人的做法:不僅涉及指定器官移植,甚至進化到強行擄人摘取器官的階段。更進一步,已出現直接針對弱勢女性(包括娼妓或被拐賣婦女)進行強迫受孕、生育,隨後直接摘取嬰兒器官或幹細胞的案例。柬埔寨的所謂「生物科技中心」或「生命科學院」,據報導即與中國相關生物研究所合作,涉及「嬰兒農場」(baby farm)模式,抽取新生兒脊髓液或幹細胞製成所謂「回春」或抗衰老藥物,供應給中國權貴階層。
因此,柯文哲如此急切強調人工生殖法的通過(特別是代理孕母制度),其焦點很可能不在解決不孕症或幫助一般家庭,而是試圖為「代理孕母」與所生嬰兒開啟某種可被操縱的管道。陳昭姿版本的草案被柯文哲自己承認「粗糙」,對新生兒的健康保障、養育責任完全缺乏明確規範,他卻以「先求有、再求好」來掩飾強行推動的理由。在此脈絡下,倉促通過該法,最關鍵的目標恐怕正是將代理孕母及其產下的孩子做商業使用。
這雖然是基於現有報導所做的合理推論與懷疑,並非空穴來風,但光是想像這種可能性,就令人感到極度不安與恐怖。柯文哲是「威尼斯商人」嗎?

 

川普〈2026國防戰略〉概要 Taimocracy翻譯 20260126

【雙魚之論】
Trump's four-year National Defense Strategy naturally differs significantly from those of Biden or any previous presidents. Its core is the full integration of MAGA principles, along with the concrete goals and pragmatic strategies needed to achieve “Make America Great Again.”
Many Taiwanese people, upon seeing that the document does not contain the word “Taiwan,” immediately become overjoyed or deeply disappointed—this is actually a symptom of lacking confidence in themselves. Sensationalist media are even more prone to this: the moment the strategy is released, headlines scream that it “does not mention Taiwan at all.”
In reality, by placing “deterring China through strength (rather than confrontation)” as the second Line of Effort—and given that China’s various forms of infiltration and threats against the U.S. homeland and the Western Hemisphere are already implicitly covered under the first Line of Effort focused on homeland and hemispheric security—this already directly encompasses the necessary measures to strengthen defense along the First Island Chain, including Taiwan. There is simply no need to explicitly name or elaborate on Taiwan.

川普的四年期國防戰略,自然與拜登或其他前任總統的文件有明顯差異,其核心就是融入MAGA理念,以及達成「讓美國再次偉大」的具體目標與務實策略。許多台灣人一看到文件中沒出現「台灣」二字,就立刻欣喜若狂或失望沮喪,這其實反映出對自身信心不足的心態;媒體更常以此煽動情緒,戰略發布當天就以「對台灣一字未提」為標題大作文章。
事實上,把「以實力嚇阻中國」列為第二大努力線(而中國對美國本土與西半球的各種滲透威脅,已隱含在第一線的本土與半球安全之中),就已直接涵蓋強化第一島鏈防衛——包括台灣在內——的必要措施,根本無需特別點名或多加贅述。 

INTRODUCTION 

President Trump in his first term and since reentering office in January 2025 has rebuilt the American military to be the world’s absolute best—its most formidable fighting force. But it is essential to emphasize how much of an achievement this has been. 川普總統於其第一任期內,以及自 2025 1 月重返執政以來,已重新打造美國軍隊,使其成為全球絕對最強最具威懾力的作戰力量。然而,必須特別強調的是,這是一項得來不易、且極具分量的成就。

1941年丹麥駐美公使致函國務卿 Henrik Kauffmann / Taimocracy翻譯 1941.04.13

1941年丹麥駐美公使致函國務卿    Henrik Kauffmann / Taimocracy翻譯 1941.04.13

美國對外關係外交文件,1941年,歐洲,第二卷

859B.7962/123

丹麥公使考夫曼

J.No.3.M.½

華盛頓,1941413日。

主席先生:你和我在本月九日簽署的有關格陵蘭島國防的協議序言中的第四點如下:

雖然丹麥對格陵蘭島的主權得到充分承認,但目前的情況阻止丹麥政府對格陵蘭島行使其權力17a

考慮到這種情況並根據我們的理解,我直到410日中午公佈該協議後才向丹麥政府通報了該協議。

我在給哥本哈根外交部的電報中提到了這一點,該電報在延遲了一段時間後於411日送達。

 

我表明我已簽署協議

......17a代表丹麥國王陛下以格陵蘭主權者的身份行事格陵蘭當局已同意本協議......17a

並解釋了我採取行動的原因,並補充說

2026-01-24

自由不可恣意而為 Freedom is not limitless...

【雙魚之論】
The words of AIT Taipei Director Raymond Greene—“Freedom is not free”—go far beyond the common media interpretation that freedom merely comes at a cost. His message reaches deeper than that. It is a pointed critique of the reckless conduct of Blue-White camp legislators over the past two years, during which they have exercised power while evading responsibility and accountability.
“Freedom is not free” does not simply mean that freedom requires sacrifice; it also implies that freedom is not limitless. Freedom does not grant a license for arbitrary action—whether through the unchecked exercise of power or through the refusal to bear corresponding obligations.

AIT台北主任谷立言的“Freedom is not free”一語,除了最普遍的「自由不是免費」之外,更深層的理解是:自由不可恣意而為,包括了儘管恣意揮灑權力卻不承擔基本義務。

左膠——去脈絡化的平行正義 Useful idiot's discourse on Greenland: decontextualized justice


左膠——去脈絡化的平行正義 Naïve leftist discourse on Greenland: decontextualized justice

This image typically exemplifies the naïve leftist discourse — the vulnerable situation of indigenous peoples is indeed worthy of our care, and that point itself is not incorrect. However, concerning the recent events in Greenland, the overall situation carries a context of "strategic threat." This area is one of the frontlines for the United States in the Western Hemisphere, including the First Island Chain, Central and South America, and the Arctic Circle, while China has fully encroached upon this region. Discussions about the strategic importance of Greenland cannot be decontextualized.
Putting together the issues of "strategic threats in the Western Hemisphere" and "indigenous culture," there is a widespread call online urging major powers (the U.S. and Europe) to refrain from intervening and to allow indigenous peoples to decide for themselves, which seems reasonable at first glance. However, the problem is that China has extensively hunted land, emphasizing private land ownership while asserting the exclusion of government interference, followed by immigration. Consequently, China can continue to develop under a "civilian" guise and claim that its right to "develop China" should not be hindered — this is one of Beijing's national policy slogans.

這幅畫面典型地展現了左派的論述——原住民的弱勢處境是值得珍惜的,這一點本身並沒有錯。然而,針對近日格陵蘭事件而言,整體情勢有「戰略威脅」的「脈絡」。這裡是美國與西半球的前線之一,包括第一島鏈、中南美和北極圈等地,而當中國已經全面侵佔這個地區時,評論格陵蘭戰略重要性的議題不能「去脈絡化」。
將「西半球戰略威脅」與「原住民文化」問題並置在一起,在網路上流傳的大量呼籲,希望大國(美歐)不要插手,讓原住民自己決定,乍看之下看似是合理的。然而,問題在於,中國已經大量獵取土地,強調私有土地所有權,並主張排除政府干預,隨後進行移民。這樣一來,中國可以以「民間」的形式繼續發展,並且主張不應被阻止「中國發展」的權利——這是北京的國策口號之一。

 



2026-01-23

藍白故意癱瘓「權力分立」原則 The purposeful disruption of constitutional order in Taiwan by the Blue-White camps

【雙魚之論】
Over the past year, the constitutional disorder witnessed in Taiwan has been rooted fundamentally in disputes over the separation of powers. At its core, this controversy raises several interrelated questions of constitutional theory:

  • Why must public authority in a constitutional state (Rechtsstaat) governed by the rule of law be institutionally divided?
  • How should the relationships among the separated branches of government be properly structured and understood?
  • Does any individual branch, within the scope of its constitutionally assigned competences, enjoy absolute authority? Or may it legitimately exercise powers that obstruct or negate other branches in the performance of their inherent constitutional functions?
  • What higher-order constitutional principles or meta-norms govern the operation of separated powers, such that no branch of government may lawfully transgress them?

過去一年在台灣所發生的憲法紛亂,根底就是「權力分立」議題,包括:
 法治國的權力為何要分立?
 分立的權力間關係為何?
 個別權力部門在權力範圍內是否享有絕對權威?或者,是否享有阻礙其他權力部門行使其固有權威的力量?
 分立之權力的上位概念或原則為何,從而任何權力部門都不應違背?

關於總統彈劾案之立法院公聽會的幾個憲法問題與回應    陳怡凱@思想坦克 20260123

一、前言

從格陵蘭之爭 談中國佈局「近北極國家」


中國著手佈局「近北極國家」 
China Begins Laying Out Its “Near-Arctic State” Strategy

川普第二任期一開始,便公開表示希望將加拿大納入美國,成為第51州,理由是加拿大在對美貿易中長期佔得便宜,成為美國的一州就完全免關稅;不久後,他又揚言要購買格陵蘭,此次,他強調的是國家安全已經被中國滲透

Greenland, Iceland, the Monroe Doctrine, and Western Hemisphere Security HoonTing 20260118

Greenland, Iceland, the Monroe Doctrine, and Western Hemisphere Security    HoonTing 20260118

Although Donald Trump is often portrayed as a highly pragmatic and transaction-driven political figure, his grasp of national strategic logic and historical context is, in fact, strikingly lucid and uncompromising. Confusing grand strategy with mere tactics—or failing to situate contemporary events within their deeper historical framework—inevitably leads to distorted judgment and repeated miscalculation. Trump’s publicly ridiculed proposal in August 2019 to purchase, or otherwise acquire, Greenland vividly illustrates this dynamic.

2026-01-22

連主席都變身皇帝了,哪來的共產主義? Ask why Xi holds the power forever!

【雙魚之論】
Fifty years ago, there were television programs that pitted abacus users against calculators. Later, when scientific calculators became widespread, such shows quietly disappeared. As electronic technology continued to advance, calculators gave way to computers—and now, to AI.
And yet, at this very moment, there is a group of young people whose thinking seems to have gone completely off track, advocating a two-hundred-year-old communist relic. It is as if, in the age of AI, someone suddenly discovered that the abacus is “amazingly exciting” and started running around telling everyone about it—an exercise in sheer anti-intellectualism.
Even China, Russia, and North Korea have effectively reverted to imperial systems, with leaders extending their rule term after term. And still they go on praising the “proletariat”? It’s truly a group of people with holes in their heads and water in their brains.

50年前,有珠算拼計算機的電視節目,後來出現工程計算機,這種節目就消聲匿跡了。逐漸,電子科技繼續進步,變成電腦,現在,更是AI。此時,卻有一群年輕人腦筋有洞,要去提倡200年前的共產主義古董?好像在AI時代,發現算盤居然這樣精彩,逢人便奔相走告一樣反智。
連中、俄、朝都是變成主席連任再連任的帝制了,還吹捧什麼無產階級?真是腦殼有洞、腦筋灌水的一群人~~

蛤?「台灣革命共產黨」成立 聲稱帶領群眾「推翻中華民國統治階級」    三立 20260123

共產主義組織「革命共產國際」台灣成員經營的粉專「火花台灣革命共產主義」宣布成立「台灣革命共產黨」,並聲稱「我們矢志成爲階級鬥爭中,足以帶領群眾推翻中華民國統治階級並建設共產主義社會的主導力量」,並表示要「為解放受到壓迫的台灣群眾以及無產階級而努力」,引起網路爭論。