有關格陵蘭 1940年7月21日哈瓦那會議〈雪梨先驅報〉19400723 / Taimocracy翻譯 20260110

【雙魚之論】
有關格陵蘭　19400721哈瓦那會議
有關格陵蘭　19400721〈哈瓦那公約〉/Taimocracy翻譯 20260110
20090612〈格陵蘭自治法〉／Taimocracy 翻譯20250316

1940年7月21日哈瓦那會議　〈雪梨先驅報〉1940.07.23　/ Taimocracy翻譯 20260110

美國共和國的戰爭警報。 巨大的貿易卡特爾方案。 本報紐約通訊員報導。

二十一個泛美國家（包括美國在內）的外交部長，正在哈瓦那召開特別會議，尋求一個彼此都能接受的方案，以處理因歐戰影響而改變的各國與歐洲的共同及個別關係。

這次會議不僅如一位評論員所言，可能對「泛美主義的未來方向與實際效能」具有「非凡的重要性」；對世界其他地區也無疑具有嚴重意義。

討論將涵蓋目前令全人類深感困惑、或將人類分裂成兩個激烈交戰陣營、或威脅進一步影響尚未完全波及地區之經濟、政治與道德命運的所有問題。

會議將試圖解決幾個無法抑制的迫切問題。

中立區。

（1）二十一個泛美集團國家是否會採取行動，落實1939年9月的《巴拿馬宣言》？該宣言聲明這是「美洲人民的意志」，不容許歐戰戰鬥發生在距離美洲大陸300英里之內；抑或在宣言制定後所發生的一切情況下，將該宣言予以放棄？

交戰各國在不同程度上拒絕接受該宣言的原則。英國對其中涉及的「國際海事法的深遠改變」表示異議。拉普拉塔河之戰就是在所謂的「中立區」內進行；儘管英國政府否認，但謠言持續流傳，稱英國艦隊正在封鎖馬提尼克島，以防止法國海軍單位從該法國基地逃脫。此外，美國政治家——特別是參議院外交關係委員會主席參議員凱·皮特曼（Key Pittman）——一直倡導將英國艦隊駐紮在加拿大基地。

在這種情況下，如《巴拿馬宣言》所演變的中立區如何能存續？抑或阿根廷在5月提出的建議——將泛美國家中立宣言修訂為「不交戰」立場——會被採納？如此一來，所有泛美國家至少將成為「英國的不活躍盟友」，並自動使《巴拿馬宣言》失效？

貿易卡特爾提案。

（2）泛美國家是否準備採納羅斯福總統提出的方案：建立一個巨型卡特爾，由美國提供10億美元基金，對拉丁美洲國家的剩餘產品進行預付款？

這項措施旨在緩解里奧格蘭德河以南因歐洲市場關閉而造成的嚴重經濟動盪；防止關鍵產品落入歐洲國家手中，而這些國家缺乏國際交換媒介來支付（即阻止物物交換制度）；盡量減少歐洲商品在拉丁美洲的銷售，以助美國擴大其製成品市場；並降低極權主義以貿易為幌子滲透的可能性。

（3）能採取何種方案來進行西半球的整體防禦？在此項目下，包括聯合行動打擊第五縱隊活動。這些活動在美洲十分猖獗；的確，儘管聽來有些危言聳聽，但華盛頓方面確實擔憂「某些美國共和國發生政變，可能導致一個政府成立，並向希特勒總理請願加入大德國」。德國蓋世太保在德國外交部官員直接且公然的監督下，在烏拉圭、巴西、智利等國公開活動，已有詳細揭露。美國認為明智之舉是派遣軍艦前往這些國家，以防範納粹革命，使南美廣大地區落入希特勒掌控。

空軍基地的合作使用，以保護西半球，是另一項需討論的半球防禦議題，有鑑於巴拿馬運河的已知脆弱性。事實上，有些極端概念，如泛美國家組成聯盟、擁有共同公民身分與共同防禦力量，已被提出，並不無可能成為哈瓦那會議的討論項目。

外國屬地。

面對所有拉丁美洲共和國（無論大小）皆恐懼任何形式的主權放棄（如任何聯盟計畫所涉及），這些提議能被接受到何種程度，難以預料。拉丁美洲人直到1936年布宜諾斯艾利斯泛美會議，才承認門羅主義——當時美國同意該主義不再是單方面宣言，而是所有泛美國家對彼此的共同保證。

（4）西半球內被征服或受支配歐洲國家的屬地，其命運將如何？是否由泛美國家共同承擔責任？是否由美國購買，或以第一次世界大戰債務作為支付（如美國立法者與報紙編輯大力主張）？美國是否應充當這些地區的守護者，並在和平恢復後歸還原主？抑或直到德國或義大利試圖佔領前，什麼都不做？這些問題並不簡單，因為它們牽涉廣泛的世界利益。

（5）加拿大的地位如何？加拿大是否會被邀請加入泛美國家？羅斯福總統保證防衛加拿大免受入侵的承諾，是否仍為21個泛美國家在1936年布宜諾斯艾利斯重新詮釋門羅主義下的義務？若戰爭演變成德國與英國之間的長期實力較量，敵對行動場域越來越深入西大西洋，泛美國家是否自動成為德國與義大利的敵人？這些都是極為重要的問題，可能隨時從推測轉為迫切的政治現實。

全球關注。

（6）在泛美經濟事務上，能採取何種共同行動，使西半球更趨自給自足？羅斯福總統的卡特爾方案或許是此項目下最重要的一項，但僅屬緊急措施。雖然本週會議很可能對其進行廣泛討論，但預計不會提供解決整體經濟問題的方案。

關於共同限制農作物、聯合銷售；拉丁美洲建立與發展非競爭性新產業；設立銀行聯盟，並使美國黃金供應可用於各國票據發行與信用目的——這些都是同一問題的複雜面向。當然，這些經濟政策問題預計無法在一週內解決。人們希望能得出一些一般性結論，實際細節將留給去年11月在巴拿馬成立的經濟顧問委員會處理。

預計世界將以極大興趣關注泛美外交部長們的審議。據信，身為國務卿的赫爾先生（Cordell Hull）很可能以代表身分參與，並在討論中發揮重要作用。然而，遵照他在近期泛美會議所採取的政策，他樂於將實際領導工作留給其他泛美國家的領袖。

 

1940年7月哈瓦那會議報導（完整英文原文修正版與繁體中文翻譯）

以下為您提供的英文報導文本，已修正明顯的排版錯誤（如「arc」應為「are」、「effi- ciency」應為「efficiency」、「gene- ral」應為「general」等），並完整連結成連貫段落，同時提供依相同原則（忠實原文、修正錯誤、流暢自然）的繁體中文翻譯。內容分段保留原文結構。

修正後完整英文原文

American Republics' War Alarms. GREAT TRADE CARTEL SCHEME. BY OUR NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT.

The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the twenty-one Pan-American nations, including the United States, are meeting in extraordinary session in Havana to seek a mutually acceptable formula for their common and individual relationships with Europe as these have been affected by the war.

Not only is this meeting likely to be of "extraordinary importance to the future orientation and practical efficiency of Pan-Americanism," as one commentator put it; it is also unquestionably of serious import to the rest of the world.

The discussions will involve all the questions at present sorely puzzling mankind, or dividing it into two bitterly warring camps, or threatening further to affect the economic, political, and moral fate of areas of the world as yet only partially affected.

The conference will seek a solution of several irrepressible questions.

NEUTRALITY ZONE. (1) Will the twenty-one nations of the Pan-American group take action to implement the Declaration of Panama of September, 1939, which stated it to be "the will of the people" that no fighting of the European war be tolerated within 300 miles of the American continent; or will the Declaration be abandoned in the light of all that has occurred since it was framed?

The warring nations declined in various degrees to accept the tenets of the Declaration. Great Britain took exception to the "far-reaching alterations in international maritime law" involved. The Battle of the River Plate was fought within the so-called "neutrality zone"; and rumours persist, despite denials by the British Government, that the British fleet is blockading Martinique to prevent the escape of French naval units from the French base there. Furthermore, American statesmen, notably Senator Key Pittman, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, have advocated the basing of the British fleet in Canadian bases.

How could a neutrality zone, as evolved in the Declaration, survive under such circumstances? Or will the suggestions made by Argentina in May for a revision of the neutrality declarations of the Pan-American nations to one of non-belligerency be adopted, thus making all the Pan-American nations, at least, "inactive allies of Great Britain," and, automatically, voiding the Declaration of Panama?

TRADE CARTEL PROPOSAL. (2) Are the Pan-American nations ready to adopt a proposal advanced by President Roosevelt for the creation of a giant cartel, under which, from a 1,000 million dollar fund provided by the United States, advances would be made for surplus products of the Latin American countries?

This measure is designed to ease the intense economic disturbances occurring south of the Rio Grande as a result of the shutting off of European markets; to prevent key products from falling into the hands of European nations without an international medium of exchange with which to pay for them, that is, to forestall the barter system; to minimise the sale of European goods in Latin America, so as to aid the United States in securing an enlarged market for its manufactured goods, and to minimise the likelihood of totalitarian infiltration under the guise of trade.

(3) What plan can be adopted for the general defence of the Western Hemisphere? Under this heading come such questions as united action against fifth columnist activities. These are rife in the Americas; indeed, though it may appear unduly alarmist, fear exists in Washington that "a coup d'etat in some American republic might result in the formation of a Government which would petition Chancellor Hitler for inclusion in Greater Germany." That the German Gestapo, under the direct and flagrant supervision of German Foreign Office officials, is working openly in such countries as Uruguay, Brazil, and Chile has been disclosed in detail. The United States has deemed it wise to despatch warships to various of these countries to guard against a Nazi revolution that would put wide areas of South America at the disposal of Hitler.

Co-operative uses of air bases in protecting the Western Hemisphere is another item of hemisphere defence to be discussed, in view of the known vulnerability of the Panama Canal. Indeed, some concepts as radical as the proposal of a union of the Pan-American nations, with a common citizenship and a common defence force, have been advanced, and are not unlikely items of discussion at Havana.

FOREIGN POSSESSIONS. How far such proposals will receive acceptance in the face of the known fear of all Latin American republics, no matter how small, of any relinquishment of sovereignty, such as would be involved in any union plan, it is hard to say. The Latin Americans declined to recognise the Monroe Doctrine until in 1936, at the Pan-American Conference at Buenos Aires, the United States agreed that the Doctrine was no longer a unilateral declaration, but represented the guarantee of all the Pan-American nations to each of them.

(4) What is to be the fate of the possessions in the Western Hemisphere of conquered or dominated European countries? Is there to be a joint Pan-American responsibility for these possessions? Are they to be purchased by the United States, or taken over in payment of the first world war debts, as is being vociferously advocated by American legislators and newspaper editors? Is the United States to act as guardian of such areas and to return them to their owners on the restoration of peace? Or is nothing to be done until Germany or Italy attempt to take possession? These are not simple questions to answer, since they cut across a wide variety of world interests.

(5) What is to be the position of Canada? Is Canada to be invited to join the Pan-American nations? Is President Roosevelt's guarantee to Canada to defend her against invasion to remain an obligation of the 21 Pan-American nations under the re-framing of the Monroe Doctrine at Buenos Aires in 1936? If the war becomes a protracted test of strength between Germany and Great Britain, with the field of hostilities projected further and further into the western Atlantic, do the Pan-American nations automatically become enemies of Germany and Italy? These are problems of vast importance, and may move from the field of conjecture to that of immediate politics at any moment.

WORLD-WIDE INTEREST. (6) What common action can be taken in Pan-American economic affairs so as to make the Western Hemisphere more self-contained? Whereas the cartel scheme of President Roosevelt is perhaps the single most important item under this heading, it is only an emergency measure, and, while probably certain of extended discussion in the week's meeting of the conference, it is not expected to offer any solutions for the general economic problem.

Ideas for the common restriction of crops, or their joint sale; the creation and development of new non-competing industries in Latin America; the erection of a banking union, with the United States gold supply made available for note issues and credit purposes by individual countries—all these are perplexing aspects of the same problem. Of course, these questions of economic policy are not expected to be settled within a week. Some general conclusions are hoped for, and the working out of practical details will be left to the Economic Advisory Committee which was created at Panama in November of last year.

It is expected that the world will follow with profound interest the deliberations of the Pan-American Ministers of Foreign Affairs. It is believed that Mr. Hull, who, as Secretary of State, will probably be a delegate, will take an important part in the deliberations. However, in accordance with a policy he adopted in recent Pan-American conferences, he is content to leave actual directional work to leaders from other Pan-American countries.