【雙魚之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯
以我的年紀,人生約略前15年是蔣介石執政,約略再15年是蔣經國執政。實際上,因為蔣經國掌握政權更早,時間也更近,所以蔣經國與我這年齡層的人感覺更真實。
小時候在百齡橋路邊見過蔣介石車隊,除前後特勤車輛之外,本車隊就是一模一樣的七輛車,對,就是中正紀念堂展示最豪華的那一款,車窗貼滿反光貼紙,外人根本不知道蔣介石坐在哪一輛上。蔣介石是神話般的存在。
高中時,在中山南路路邊見過蔣經國下班車隊,本車一輛,護衛兩輛,如此而已。雖然路口四隅有便衣憲兵,但車隊不貼反光紙,任何人都可以見到蔣經國在中央那一輛車上。看起來較為親民。~
對於蔣經國執政的感想—20231230國史館蔣經國日記出版 雲程 20231231 |
Conclusive Thoughts on Chiang Ching-kuo's Rule – A note
for the publication ceremony of Chiang Ching-kuo's Diary by the Academia
Historica by HoonTing 20231230 |
一言蔽之,蔣介石是「戰後台灣」、蔣經國是「現代台灣」或(轉型台灣) 1950年起的「中華民國」(GRC),其根本問題:缺乏國際法人條件的「國家」。那是源於「軍事佔領」與「政權流亡」的雙重糾葛。
作為國際法人,國家state的四項資格:恆常人口、固定疆域、政府/統治、與他國交往的能力。(作為國際法主體的國家應具備以下資格:(a) 恆常人口;(b) 固定疆域;(c) 政府/統治;以及(d) 與他國交往的能力。)
至少在和約之前,「中華民國」在台灣的國家資格中,所謂「恆常人口」,多屬於日本國民的台灣人民,但也有1949前後從中國而來的人民;所謂「固定疆域」,屬於盟軍總部在1946年以SCAPIN 677割離日本的管轄的領土等待最和約做最後決定;所謂「政府/統治」,是蔣介石軍政集團,重疊「委託佔領當局」與「前中國合法政府」;至於所謂「與他國交往的能力」,則是以代表中國為名卻逐漸失去可信度。
蔣介石的解決辦法是「繞過去」:透過軍事手段「回復原狀」ante bellum──反攻大陸,等取回中國合法政府地位,自然可以主張台灣(理由是「開羅新聞公報」),或者不在乎台灣議題也無所謂。
即便如此,國際社會(或更精準的盟國),試圖解決此困境。其解決方式是:
恆常人口──以賦予「準國籍」與「戶籍」來趨近「人口」一語的國籍意涵。直到1952年〈台北和約〉第10條:「中華民國國民應認為包括依照中華民國在台灣及澎湖所已施行或將來可能施行之法律規章而具有中國國籍之一切台灣及澎湖居民及前屬台灣及澎湖之居民及其後裔」;
固定疆域──以「管轄」、「法域」來代替「主權」。「中華民國在臺灣及澎湖所已施行或將來可能施行之法律規章」(1952年〈台北和約〉第10條);「本約係對於中華民國政府所控制之全部領土,概予實施。」(同意紀錄); 政府/統治──可以完全有效管轄台澎金馬的當局GRC;
與他國交往的能力──除邦交國之外,就是與多數國家建立「介於領事與政治層級間」的關係。
蔣經國,作為蔣介石的「子嗣與繼承人」(heir and successor),解決辦法是「重建」:先執行「經濟復興」,後「政治重建」──即,十大建設等與開放「國民參與政權」(從地方到中央、從立法到行政,漸次實施)。蔣經國個人也歷練國防部長(軍事)、退輔會主委、經合會→經建會主委(經濟→全盤治理)、行政院長(全局關照)。
但是,在政治重建未完成前,蔣經國就過世。李登輝繼續完成任務,從「國民參與政權」擴大到「政權由國民全面同意而成」──台灣完整經歷佔領後「政治重建」的臨時階段、過渡階段,達成「自治」狀態。
從特定角度而言,這是從「國家條件不完全」的「中華民國GRC」,轉變為建構「連結台灣和台灣住民」的「中華民國台灣」並將「國際法人四項資格」補充完整的動態過程。而蔣經國(與李登輝)就是期間最為關鍵的人物。
過了幾十年之後,我們可以心平氣和看這段歷史的一段,我們就會知道: 「中華民國台灣」治理台澎金馬的正當性已經無需再援引外部權威而得,我們所有台灣住民的意志就是「中華民國台灣」政治正當性的來源。民主選舉就是建構此一政治正當性的具體實踐。
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How do we describe the rule of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, also known as Gimo during 1950-1975, and Chiang Ching-kuo (CCK) during 1972-1988 over Taiwan? Gimo could be connected to post-war Taiwan, and Chiang Ching-kuo referred to "modern Taiwan," or transitional Taiwan. Since 1950, the essential problem for the “government of the Republic of China (GRC)” led by Gimo is that it lacks the conditions as a person under international law, stemming from the dual entanglement of "proxy military occupation" mandated by the SCAP and "regime-in-exile," claiming the sole legitimate government of China. A state must meet four qualifications as a legal person under international law, according to the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States in 1933. They are a permanent population, defined territory, government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. (The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: (a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) the capacity to enter into relations with other states.) Before the conclusion of the peace treaty, the national status of the "Republic of China" in Taiwan (GRC) is complicated. Besides more than a million Chinese people came from China around 1949, the majority of the so-called "permanent population," or native Taiwanese, held the Japanese, not Chinese, nationality. The term "defined territory" fell under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (SCAP), with the territories separated from Japan SCAPIN 677 on January 20, 1946 awaiting a final decision per the Treaty of Peace with Japan. The "government" referred to the military-political entity led by Gimo, entangled between the " proxy occupying authorities" mandated by SCAP and the former "Chinese government-in-exile." The GRC gradually lost its credibility in the "capacity to enter into relations with other states" as it claimed to represent China. Facing the predicament, Gimo's solution was a "detour": restoring the original state or seeking ante bellum through military means – counterattack the mainland, reclaim the legitimate government status of China, and naturally assert Taiwan (based on the "Cairo Declaration"). At that point, abandoning the issue of Taiwan seemed to be of little consequence. Even so, the international community, or the allies more specifically, has tried to solve the predicament. The solution is: Permanent population – the term "population" is replaced by "quasi-nationality" and "household registration," granting a status close to but yet citizenship based on the 1952 Treaty of Taipei: "Nationals of the Republic of China shall be deemed to include all residents of Taiwan and Penghu who have Chinese nationality in accordance with the laws and regulations of the Republic of China in Taiwan and Penghu, and former residents of Taiwan and Penghu and their descendants" (Article 10); Defined Territory – Replace the concept of "sovereignty," a political term with “jurisdiction,” an administrative expression. They are stipulated in 1952 Treaty of Taipei: "the laws and regulations of the Republic of China in Taiwan and Penghu which have been or may be applied in the future" (Article 10); and "This Treaty shall be in effect in respect of all territories under the control of the Government of the Republic of China." (Consent Record); The government – the GRC that can effectively govern Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu; In addition to the countries with which it has diplomatic relations, the "capacity to enter into relations with the other states" is to establish relationships "between the consular and political levels" with most countries. Chiang Ching-kuo (CCK), as Gimo's "heir and successor" of Gimo, had his solution of "reconstruction": "economic rejuvenation" followed by "political reconstruction" – i.e., the Ten Major Constructions come first to gain CCK’s authority, then the opening up of "broadening and transition of political participation," spanning from the local level to the central, and from the legislative branch to the executive, step by step. CCK personally at same time experienced the Minister of Defense (military), Director of the Veteran Affairs Council, Minister of the Council for International Economic the Cooperation and Development (CIECD) → Minister of the Council for Economic Planning And Development (EPC), (the economic → overall governance), and Prime Minister of the Executive Yuan (overall politics) among others before his taking office as the President of GRC. However, before political reconstruction was completed, CCK died in 1988. Lee Teng-hui (LTH), his native Taiwanese vice President, continued to accomplish the task of expanding the political ground from the “partial participation of the people” to making “the government on the consent of the people” Taiwan has completely gone through the interim stage of "political reconstruction" after the occupation, the transitional stage, and reached a state of "autonomy," a step from to a popular recognized state. From a certain point of view, this is a dynamic process from the "government of Republic of China (GRC)" with "incomplete national conditions" to the "Republic of China (Taiwan)" with "connection with the territory and the people on Taiwan," and the "four qualifications of international legal persons" are near completed. Both CCK and LTH were the most significant figures during this transition period. After a few decades, we can calmly look at this period of history, and we will know: The legitimacy of the
"Republic of China (Taiwan)" to govern Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and
Matsu solved, no longer needing to invoke external authority, and the will of
all our Taiwan residents is the source of the political legitimacy of the
"Republic of China (Taiwan)." Democratic elections are a concrete
practice of constructing this political legitimacy. |
結論: 戰後台灣是一個「重建的歷史」──包含「軍事佔領」後的重建,也包括「中華民國」的重建(從中華民國到中國民國台灣)。這樣的重建,一定會有多種面向與評價,因此我們需要耐心與和解。
附註:前次蔣介石日記的出版儀式中,儀深館長先引述蔡總統的「轉型正義是放在和解脈絡下的」,來畫龍點睛。但一位與會貴賓人士仍停留過往的觀念,在儀式中面對蔣家家屬,多次以「加害者」來形容。這種僅堅持自我的既定觀點,忽略戰後台灣、現代台灣大歷史脈絡,真的令人遺憾,也極其失禮。
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Conclusive Thoughts:
Post-war Taiwan is a history of reconstruction – both the reconstruction after the proxy military occupation and the reconstruction of the GRC, or from ROC to ROC (Taiwan). Such a reconstruction, since 1950, with multiple aspects and versatile evaluations, needs our patience, consideration, and reconciliation. PS. At the previous publication ceremony of
Gimo's diary, Chen Yi-shen, the President of Academia Historica, added a
finishing touch by quoting President Tsai's statement: “We should place and
understand transitional justice in the context of reconciliation.” However, a
VIP in a top leadership position still clung to the concept of the past,
describing Gimo and others as perpetrators many times in front of Gimo's
significant family members during the ceremony. It is truly rude and
regrettable from a perspective that adheres to one's own established
viewpoint and disregards the historical context of post-war Taiwan and its
reconstruction. |
很完整的論述,佩服。
回覆刪除似乎已經融和了夏途島/無諍金剛一直堅持的「國民主權」鐵律—台灣名稱「中華民國」是因民主選舉自證國家存在説 vs. 外部權力授權國家存在説(台澎目前尚是聯合國授權下的自治政體而非國家)。
不過對於雲程兄後段中的這句:
戰後台灣是一個「重建的歷史」──包含「軍事佔領」後的重建,也包括「中華民國」的重建。
我認為可以修改成:
戰後台灣是一個「重建的歷史」──包含「軍事佔領」後的重建,也包括從「中華民國」(英文名稱Republic of China/ROC)到「中華民國台灣」(英文名稱Taiwan) 的重建。
多謝兄的指點。中文我沒寫詳細,等下補充。英文則以GRC(代表1950之後在台灣的當局=TRA的定義)
刪除認知(或知識或理論),是不斷成長的東西,它不會停滯也允許變動。
因此,假使直著僵硬的概念(雖然可能在過去某一段時間是正確的),那就無法理解逐漸演變的世界。
想要理解外在世界,先要理解或改變自己的內在世界。