看完這篇，知道：在遏制北京對文明的威脅議題上，從2018年10月副總統彭斯的演講開始，Kiron
Skinner，到柏林圍牆的倒塌，川普政府並無退縮，針對的是中國共產黨。他逐漸區分出敵友。
In the remark, Secretary Pompeo further indicated how Beijing threatens
the modern civilization, without using the words that Kiron Skinner made in her
interview “a fight with a different civilization,” in May 2019.
In this context, Vice President Pence’s softer tone remark on 24 October
2019, meant to give Xi a face, when Xi was busying with the Fourth Plenary
Session. That is the fundamental
politeness of diplomacy. It is not the inconsistency
of Trump's policy toward China.
Secretary Pompeo unveiled the fact that “It’s one in which a Leninist
Party rules and everyone must think and act according to the will of the
Communist elites.” He further called on
unity by saying “That’s not a future that I want, I think it’s not a future
that anyone in this room wants, it’s not a future that other democracies want,
and it’s not a future that the people of China [wants].”
I, too, noticed a similarity between the remarks of Secretary Pompeo and
Vice President Pence which did last year, that they reviewed the failed
strategy of the U.S. on China in the past decades. Pompeo declared it in detail that “We
downgraded our relationship with our long-time friend, Taiwan, on the condition
that the 'Taiwan question' would be resolved peacefully, to normalize relations
with Beijing."
The above taboo words were delivered in front of a special VIP of Hudson
Institute’s Herman Kahn Award Gala, Dr. Kissinger, who is a principal
policymaker of the out-dated U.S.-China policy.
Yes, something will be changing shortly.
The China Challenge MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY
OF STATE 20191030
NEW YORK CITY, NEW YORK
HUDSON INSTITUTE’S HERMAN KAHN AWARD GALA
OCTOBER 30, 2019
MR MURDOCH: Ladies and gentlemen, I’m delighted to be here with you tonight to honor
a man of many, many achievements and titles: Captain Pompeo, Editor Pompeo, Chief
Executive Pompeo, Representative Pompeo, Director Pompeo, Secretary Pompeo, Senator
Pompeo. (Laughter and applause.) President Pompeo.
(Laughter and applause.) That’s really for the speech in 2025. I’m sorry.
(Laughter.)
Your founder, Herman Kahn, was an extraordinary scholar whose provocative
insights challenged conventional wisdom and helped shape the destiny of our nation
and the world. Mike Pompeo is also unafraid
to confront the status quo, dauntless in dealing with intractable problems. Secretary Pompeo is meeting the great challenges
of our time with an extraordinary background in public and military service, in
private sector success, and, well, he’s certainly the Renaissance man. You cannot get any better than first in your class
at West Point. As a cavalry officer, he served
along the Iron Curtain, of course, which Herman Kahn worked so hard to tear down. From his time in the military, Secretary Pompeo
went to Harvard and later founded Thayer Aerospace and was president of Sentry International,
before being elected to Congress from Kansas.
His time in the House and as CIA director no doubt serve him very well as
America’s 70th Secretary of State.
He has been at President Trump’s side during many historic moments on the
international stage, offering advice and steadfast principles in grappling with
the complexities of the Middle East, of China, and, of course, of North Korea. It’s reassuring to know that a man in whom so
much responsibility is placed is someone who himself has spoken so clearly about
the value of humility. Wisdom comes from
a humble disposition, he has said, warning that pride can get in the way of what
he calls an honest analysis of the facts.
There is no doubt Mike Pompeo – of his strong faith, and which informs him,
his outlook, and he’s certainly helped inspire its work for religious freedom around
the world, and also propelled his commitment to protect the dignity of every human
soul.
In that regard, Secretary Pompeo has warned of the danger of totalitarianism
not only for our security, but of our basic freedoms. When the state rules absolutely, he said, moral
norms are crushed completely.
As accomplished as Mike Pompeo has been in his illustrious life, I’m sure
there’s much more to come. Secretary of states
usually do quite well once they move on.
(Laughter.) I haven’t – and actually I’ve got a good publishing house if
he wants to decide to write a book. (Laughter.)
And of course, look what happened to secretaries of state. I remember Jefferson, Monroe, Adams, Van Buren,
and Buchanan. So who knows what the future
holds. What I do know is that you deserve
this Herman Kahn Award tonight, and I’m honored to introduce you here. Thank you.
(Applause.)
SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you, that’s very kind. I always
prefer if I get the applause after I speak – (laughter) – because then you know
how – then you know how you did. And Rupert,
you reference the Senate race and book publishing. I’m pretty sure those are both felonies if I talked
about them – (laughter) – so I’m not going to mention either tonight.
Thank you so much for those kind words, Rupert, for your generous introduction.
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it’s great to be with you all
tonight. It’s remarkable I’m sitting at the
table with Dr. Kissinger and Hank Greenberg,
the Sterns – amazing people who have done amazing things for America. Thank you all so much for your remarkable service. I’ve been fortunate
to get a chance to know Dr. Kissinger. He’s in his mid-90s. Secretary Shultz
is mid-90s. I’ve got a lot of runway left. (Laughter.) Must be something about Foggy Bottom
that keeps you going.
Thanks, too, Ken, and the board of trustees here for taking such good care
of us. I’m humbled by your generosity and
the receipt of this award tonight. My son
often reminds me there’s much for me to be humble for. He – I actually told him about this, and he got
online, he looked up all the previous recipients, and he wondered if the institute
hadn’t might lost its way. (Laughter.)
He’s also famous for having sent out a note to the entire team that takes
care of me when I travel saying, “When my dad got off the plane tonight, he looked
like he was half dead. Would somebody put
makeup on him?” (Laughter.) It was like 3:00 in the morning in some far-off place.
I thought I’d take you back just a minute to talk about something that’s very
much on my mind. I remember I had hoped to
be sworn in on January 20th, 2017 as America’s CIA director right – a few hours
after President Trump’s inauguration. But
Senator Wyden had a different idea about timeline, and so I was held up on that
Friday.
But I had asked the President to come out to CIA headquarters on Saturday
morning, out to Langley. So when I showed
up there that day and the President showed up there that day, I was still the congressman
from the 4th District of Kansas hoping that I could scrounge 51 votes on Monday.
I mention that because I will never forget what President Trump was focused
on. Literally less than 24 hours after he
had been sworn in, he was sitting with me and the senior counterterrorism team at
the CIA, and he told – he said three things. He said: I’m going
to give you everything you need to do; I’m going to give you the authorities you
need to conduct this campaign in a way that will keep Americans safe; I want to
make sure that we destroy the caliphate, and I want to get the guy who’s the leader
of ISIS. And – (applause) – and we
worked for two and a half years – the team was fantastic. The work that was done will absolutely make an
important contribution to America’s national security. The President led that effort. He was committed to it. He supported everything that I did and then my
successor, Director Haspel, and the amazing work of the Department of Defense and
all the teams that brought Baghdadi to eternal justice. (Applause.)
I hope you all know when you – when you get a chance to see someone who is
in uniform or someone who is an intelligence officer, you wouldn’t know. There’s actually some of you all sitting out here
tonight. You wouldn’t know. Please thank them. It was amazing work that they did and important.
There’s still much work to do. The
threat from radical Islamic extremism certainly is not gone, but the work that was
done to lead that shows the excellence, the uniqueness, and to the point that was
mentioned earlier, the exceptionalism that we have here in the United States of
America.
I think it’s true that we can think long about
history. Half
a century ago your founder charged your institution to think about the future in
unconventional ways. President Trump,
when he selected me to be the Secretary – the director
of the CIA was certainly thinking about something unconventional. Who would have predicted that this kid from Southern
California would have this amazing privilege?
He also knew – Herman knew – that in the interest of furthering and protecting
this great and noble experience that we call the United States of America, that
there was no higher mission than to getting that right.
That’s why I thought I’d focus in the few minutes today before I take some
questions, I thought I’d focus on something that is central to what the Trump administration
is working on that is different from previous administrations. That’s not political, we have just – we have taken
on the challenge from the People’s Republic of China in a way that the time is calling
for.
Look, we have a long-cherished tradition of friendship
with the Chinese people. We continue to do
so today. We have a Chinese
American community here in America that we love and treasure. I’ve known them through business and personal
ties; I’ve known many of them.
But I must say that the communist government in
China today is not the same as the people of China. They’re reaching for and using methods that have
created challenges for the United States and for the world.
And we collectively, all of us, need to confront
these challenges from the PRC head-on, and along each of the many facets.
There are many opportunities, to be sure, but it
is no longer realistic to ignore the fundamental differences between our two systems
and the impact, the impact that those two systems have, the differences in those
systems have on American national security.
This is a departure, for sure. It might be viewed
as unconventional. It’s not what you’ve
heard from leaders for the last two decades plus. Frankly, we’ve been
slow to see the risk of China – the risk that it poses to American national
security, because we wanted friendship with the People’s Republic from the very
start. And because we, as Americans, always
continue to hope for that.
But frankly, in our efforts to achieve this goal, we accommodated and encouraged China’s rise for decades, even when – even
when that rise was at the expense of American values, Western democracy, and security,
and good common sense.
We downgraded our relationship with our long-time friend,
Taiwan, on the condition that the “Taiwan question” would be resolved peacefully,
to normalize relations with Beijing.
We all too often shied away from talking directly about the human rights issues
there and American values when they came into conflict, and we downplayed ideological differences, even after the Tiananmen
Square massacre and other significant human rights abuses.
We encouraged China’s membership in the World Trade Organization and other
international organizations, premised on their commitment to adopt market reforms
and abide by the rules of those organizations.
And all too often, China never followed through.
We hesitated and did far less than we should have when China threatened its
neighbors like Vietnam, and like the Philippines, and when they claimed the entire
South China Sea.
Frankly, we did an awful lot that accommodated China’s rise in the hope that communist China would become more free, more
market-driven, and ultimately, hopefully more democratic.
And we did this for a long time.
There’s another reason we adopted these policies: We didn’t realize how China was evolving. Frankly, the American people didn’t get the full
story.
I’ve talked to so many business leaders.
U.S. companies that invested heavily in China were forced to comply with
China’s terms. This includes just about any
topic that the Chinese Communist Party deemed controversial.
Beijing’s intransigence creates a permanent class of China lobbyists in the
United States. Their primary job is to sell
access to Chinese leaders and connect business partners.
And frankly, whenever there was a dispute or tension in the relationship,
many of our scholars blamed the United States for misrepresenting the nature of
the Chinese Communist Party.
Meanwhile, Beijing controlled and limited access to our diplomats, journalists,
and academics to the main – when they were traveling to mainland China. They still do that today. If you saw the difference – if you saw the difference
in how Chinese diplomats are treated and how American diplomats and the access they
have, you too would find the absence of reciprocity
deeply inconsistent with American values.
And China’s state-run media and government spokespeople filled the gaps, routinely
maligning American intentions and policy objectives. They still do that today. They distorted how Americans view the People’s
Republic and how they review General Secretary Xi.
These bad outcomes were all too predictable. They were predictable byproducts of dealing with
a secretive regime that doesn’t respect fairness, the rule of law, and reciprocity.
Today, we’re finally realizing the degree to which the Chinese Communist Party is truly hostile to the
United States and our values, and its worse deeds and words and how they impact
us. And we’re able to do that because
of the leadership of President Trump.
The President sounded this issue, this alarm, since his very first day. I remember one speech he gave back in Pennsylvania
when he called China’s WTO membership “the greatest job theft in history.” A lot of people laughed. I don’t think so many of them are laughing now
that they can see the reality.
It’s the case that now we know China weakens America’s manufacturing base
by conducting massive intellectual property theft. I had a group of Fortune 500 CEOs in my office
last week. The stories are staggering.
Now we know too that China threatens American
freedoms by demanding our companies self-censor to maintain access to that Chinese
market. We’ve all seen the stories
recently of the NBA. The truth is Beijing
ought to be free to run its own PR campaign; they’re a sovereign nation. But if we disagree, our companies ought to be
permitted to have that disagreement. Silencing
dissent simply is not acceptable.
And now we know – now we know that China threatens America’s national security
by developing asymmetric weapons that threaten our strategic assets too.
The list goes on.
And these aren’t just our problems.
They’re problems for all nations that share our values.
When we see Beijing use coercion as a preferred
tool of statecraft, it’s not good for those of us who believe in democracy
and sovereignty as the fundamental norms that ought to dominate world commerce and
the way nations interact. These ideas, they
threaten the free and open international order by making extrajudicial territorial
and maritime claims in places like the South China Sea and
the Taiwan Strait.
We know too that Beijing entwines its neighbors and others in its state-led
economic model, often closing deals with bribes, often trapping many in debilitating
debt levels, threatening their own sovereignty.
And now we know too and we can see China’s regime
trampling the most basic human rights of its own citizens – the great and noble
Chinese people. We’ve seen this in
Hong Kong, where they need to live up to their promises and commitments, and we’ve
seen it in the gross human rights violation of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.
We know too that the Chinese Communist Party is
offering its people and the world an entirely different model of governance. It’s one in which a Leninist Party rules and everyone
must think and act according to the will of the Communist
elites. That’s not a future that I want, I think it’s not a future
that anyone in this room wants, it’s not a future that other democracies want, and
it’s not a future that the people of China – the freedom-loving people
of China everywhere don’t want this model.
President Trump’s National Security Strategy lays this out. It recognizes China as a strategic competitor. That means there’s challenges and there’s real
opportunities, and we hope that we can engage with them in ways that are constructive. But it’s reality. It’s the truth.
It’s also the case that we didn’t choose some of these issues. China forced them upon us.
In the coming months, I’m going to give a series of sets of remarks. I’m going to talk about each of these in some
more detail.
I’ll talk about the competing ideologies and values and
the impact that has on America and the world. The Chinese Communist Party is a Marxist-Leninist
Party focused on struggle and international domination. We need only listen
to the words of their leaders.
I’ll discuss too how they interfere with the things
we take most for granted here in the United States. The party’s intelligence agencies, the United
Front Work, and its propaganda outlets have embarked on a global campaign to change public opinion in favor of Beijing. We want to preserve our freedoms – our freedom
of speech and we want to make sure that information flows freely everywhere.
And I’ll discuss too the impact on the international order. Beijing is actively creating its own international
space and it participates in international organizations to validate its authoritarian
system and spread its reach. We in the United
States, and I think the good people who are part of the Hudson Institute, want to
preserve the existing free and open international order that the United States has
helped create and continues to lead.
And I’ll too – talk too about the economy. China has engaged in unfair predatory economic
practices and it’s utilizing state assets to build its economic footprint all around
the world. We want China to be successful. We want it to have a successful economy. We want a transparent, competitive, market-driven
system that is mutually beneficial for all involved.
You can see the first steps towards that in the
Phase 1 deal that we are close to signing. I’m optimistic we’ll get there. It’s a good thing, a place that we can work together. We want to make sure that we get that right and
we want to make sure that the economic relationships are fair, reciprocal, and balanced
as between us as well. I think this will
show that there is common ground to be had, and the Trump administration will work
tirelessly to find it wherever we can.
And I’ll get a chance too to talk about how our militaries compete and the
capabilities that China has built up that far exceed
what they would need for self-defense.
There’s lots of discussion, lots of think-tank discussion, lots of academic
discussion about what the relationship will look like between the United States
and China in the years and decades ahead.
I’ll be clear about what the United States wants: We don’t want a confrontation with the People’s Republic of
China. In fact, we want just the opposite.
We want to see a prosperous China that is at peace with its own people and
with its neighbors.
We want to see a thriving China where the
Chinese business community transact business with the rest of the world on a fair
set of reciprocal terms that we all know and understand.
And we want to see a liberalized China
that allows the genius of its people to flourish.
And we want to see a China that respects basic
human rights of its own people, as guaranteed by its own constitution.
But above all, it’s critical that as Americans, we engage China as it is,
not as we wish it were.
Herman Kahn used to remind us, he would urge us to think unconventionally
to create persuasive arguments for policy and make those arguments consistently
to the American people.
We
have to think anew, and unconventionally, about the People’s Republic of China.
I hope you will all join me in that.
We will learn together and we will develop a strong relationship between
these two nations.
I’m going to now stop and take a few questions from mister – Ken.
Thank you. God bless you all. (Applause.)
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