〈重設、預防、重建：美國贏得與中共經濟競爭的戰略〉摘要 美國眾議院對中共特設委員會 / Taimocracy翻譯 20231212

【雙魚之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯https://selectcommitteeontheccp.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/selectcommitteeontheccp.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/reset-prevent-build-scc-report.pdf

Reset, Prevent, Build: A Strategy to Win America's Economic Competition with the Chinese Communist Party    The Select Committee on the CCP 20231212

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY  摘要

For a generation, the United States bet that robust economic engagement would lead the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to open its economy and financial markets and in turn to liberalize its political system and abide by the rule of law. Those reforms did not occur.   在約30年的時間中，美國一直認為，強有力的經濟交流將導致中國共產黨開放其經濟和金融市場，進而開放其政治制度並遵守法治。但改革並未發生。 

Since its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001, the CCP has pursued a multidecade campaign of economic aggression against the United States and its allies in the name of strategically decoupling the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the global economy, making the PRC less dependent on the United States in critical sectors, while making the United States more dependent on the PRC. In response, the United States must now chart a new path that puts its national security, economic security, and values at the core of the U.S.-PRC relationship.  在中華人民共和國（PRC）與全球經濟戰略性脫鉤的名義下，中共自2001年加入世界貿易組織以來，為使中國在關鍵領域減少對美國的依賴，同時使美國更加依賴中國，已對美國及其盟國進行了數十年的經濟侵略活動。作為回應，美國現在必須開闢一條新道路，將其國家安全、經濟安全和價值觀置於美中關係的核心。

The House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party (Select Committee) has studied the PRC’s pattern of aggression and economic manipulation and recommends the following strategy for economic and technological competition with the PRC. The strategy has three pillars, and the Select Committee identified the following key findings:  眾議院美國與中國共產黨戰略競爭特別委員會（特別委員會）研究了中國的侵略和經濟操縱模式，並建議採取以下與中國進行經濟和技術競爭的戰略。該戰略有三大支柱，專責委員會確定了以下主要發現：

Pillar I: Reset the Terms of Our Economic Relationship with the PRC   支柱一：重新設定我們與中國的經濟關係條件

1. The PRC’s economic system is incompatible with the WTO and undermines U.S. economic security.  中國的經濟體系與世貿組織不相容，破壞了美國的經濟安全。
2. Despite the heightened risks associated with U.S. investment in Chinese companies, the full extent and distribution of that risk and the implications for U.S. national security and financial stability remain unknown.  儘管美國對中國公司的投資風險增加，但這種風險的整體範圍和分佈，以及對美國國家安全和金融穩定的影響仍然未知。
3. The United States lacks a contingency plan for the economic and financial impacts of conflict with the PRC.   美國缺乏應對與中國衝突的經濟和金融影響的應急計劃。
4. The PRC uses an intricate web of industrial policies, including subsidies, forced technology transfer, and market access restrictions, to distort market behavior, achieve dominance in global markets, and increase U.S. dependency on PRC imports.   中國利用錯綜複雜的產業政策網路，包括補貼、強制技術轉讓和市場准入限制，扭曲市場行為，在全球市場佔據主導地位，並增加美國對中國進口的依賴。
5.  The widespread adoption of certain PRC-developed technologies in the United States poses a significant risk to U.S. national security and data protection concerns and threatens long-term U.S. technological competitiveness.  美國廣泛採用中國開發的某些技術，對美國的國家安全和數據保護問題構成重大風險，並威脅到美國的長期技術競爭力。

Pillar II: Stem the Flow of U.S. Capital and Technology Fueling the PRC’s Military Modernization and Human Rights Abuses   支柱二：阻止美國資本和技術的流動以免助長中國的軍事現代化和侵犯人權行為
1.  American investors wittingly and unwittingly support the PRC’s defense industry, emerging technology companies, and human rights abuses.   美國投資者有意無意地支援中國的國防工業、新興科技公司和侵犯人權的行為。
2. U.S. export controls have been slow to adapt to rapid changes in technology and attempts by adversaries to blur the lines between private and public sector entities, particularly the PRC’s strategy of Military-Civil Fusion.   美國的出口管制在適應技術的快速變化和對手試圖模糊私營和公共部門實體之間界限的企圖方面進展緩慢，尤其是中國的軍民融合戰略。
3. The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) needs additional authorities and tools to effectively evaluate inbound investments from the PRC.   美國外國投資委員會（CFIUS）需要更多的職權與工具以有效評估來自中國的入境投資。
4.  The PRC exploits the openness of the U.S. research environment to steal U.S. intellectual property (IP) and transfer technology to advance its economic and security interests to the detriment of the United States.   中國利用美國研究環境的開放性竊取美國的智慧財產權（IP）和轉讓技術，以促進其經濟和安全利益，損害美國的利益。

Pillar III: Invest in Technological Leadership and Build Collective Economic Resilience in Concert with Allies   支柱三：與盟國合作，而投資於技術領先地位，建立集體經濟韌性
1. The United States is falling behind in the race for leadership in certain critical technologies.   美國在某些關鍵技術的領導地位競爭中落後。
2. The PRC is gaining on the United States in the race for global talent.   中國在爭奪全球人才的競爭中正在超越美國。
3. By working with allies, the United States can increase U.S. exports, reduce supply chain reliance on the PRC, and counter the PRC’s economic and technology mercantilism.   透過與盟國合作，美國可增加美國的出口，減少供應鏈對中國的依賴，並對抗中國的經濟和技術重商主義。
4. The United States is dangerously dependent on the PRC for critical mineral imports.   美國在關鍵礦產進口方面嚴重依賴中國。
5. The United States’ dependence on the PRC for pharmaceutical and medical device supply chains poses a distinct national security risk.   美國在藥品和醫療器械供應鏈方面對中國的依賴構成了明顯的國家安全風險。
6. Through its Belt and Road Initiative, the CCP has expanded its influence around the world and gained significant positions in key supply chains and strategic infrastructure, such as ports and space facilities.    透過「一帶一路」倡議，中共擴大了其在世界範圍內的影響力，並在關鍵供應鏈和戰略基礎設施（如港口和航太設施）中獲得了重要地位。