評「台獨是緣起的」 國史館長陳儀深就廖文毅《台灣民本主義》中譯本新書發表會致詞

【縛雞之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯
台獨是緣起的——台獨既不是異端邪說，也沒有那麼神聖　陳儀深館長開幕致詞稿2023.03.18下午

很痛心，在台灣，為平等揭示史實，國史館長還要不斷揭示自己的立場的公正性，而不是讓史實講話就好。

What exactly Taiwanese independence is, and why do people seek it?

These are the two crucial questions that all Taiwanese residents, particularly those who claim themselves as Taiwan independence agitators, should contemplate.
Like similar cases in many countries, independence movements arise due to certain unjust circumstances. For instance, an ethnic group might want to break away from another group if the latter, especially the minor in the population, predominates overwhelming power over them.
According to Beijing's assertion, all views that do not support "Taiwan's sovereignty belonging to China and should be under the latter's jurisdiction" are associated with the Taiwanese independence movement, which goes against the widespread image of "Chinese unification." As Beijing's hard power has grown over the decades, the desire to invade Taiwan as a base to project strategic weapons has become increasingly aggressive.
Due to Chinese culture's influence and Taiwan's unified examination systems' inertia, the Taiwanese, pro-China, and pro-Taiwan camps are both accustomed to accepting the "standard answer," implying that anything different from it is incorrect or could mark the person as an "enemy." Consequently, their paths become narrower, their social circle becomes smaller, and their enemies increase. The two camps in Taiwan are with a duplicated mindset.
Those who claim that the "Republic of China (ROC)" originated in 1912 deny the fact that the said Chinese national government became defunct in December of 1949 and was rebuilt after March 1950 in Taiwan, a Japanese island that became separated from Japan under General MacArthur's SCAPIN 677 on January 20th, 1946. Taiwan was rebuilt by the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace between the ROC and Japan in 1952, together with the Mutual Defence Treaty between the ROC and the US in 1954. On the other hand, those who advocate for the "Taiwanese Republic" might be blind to the unrealistic theory that the Governing Authority administering Taiwan is in the name of ROC.
Therefore, being the President of Academia Historica is by no means an easy task. The President, who represents the "Republic of China camp," must skip current realities and delve into historical data. Conversely, the President representing the "Taiwan autonomy camp" must educate and persuade society to consider fundamental facts.
To highlight the contradiction between both camps, Dr. Chen Yi-shen, the current President of Academia Historica, suggested radical hypotheses, such as "Taiwan independence led by President Chiang Kai-shek or Chiang Ching-kuo" or what if the independence under a government with the name of the "Republic of China."
Such radical hypotheses could help us brainstorm and think deeply about what values or goals we genuinely care about.

什麼是台灣獨立？為什麼尋求台灣獨立？
這兩個命題是所有台灣住民，特別是自認為屬於台灣獨立陣營的人們所應思考的「第一義」。
就好像世界各國的獨立運動一樣，常常是情勢逼出來的，特別是統治族群享有絕大權力卻人數較少。
在北京的眼中，只要不是主張「台灣的主權歸屬中國，並且接受其管轄」的各種構想，都屬於台獨，即為概稱「統一」的對立方案。幾十年來，北京雖然曾經發明過許多口號，但隨著其國力加強，更需要海外戰略投射的堡壘時，對台灣越來越具侵略性。
在中國文化的感染，加上教育與聯考制度的慣性，台灣住民僅習慣接受「唯一答案」，暗示著與自己所信服的標準答案不同的都是錯的，甚至都是某種意義下的「敵人」。於是，這些人的路越走越窄，朋友越來越少，敵人越來越大。
這種心態普遍存在台灣—以「中華民國」為名義的人，心態會忽略1950年在台灣重建的事實，反而回溯到不切實際的1912年的中國北京政府，看不出其間的荒謬。主張「台灣共和國」的人，也無法解釋為何台灣政府確有著「中華民國」的名稱。

在台灣，國史館長委實不易—作為「中華民國陣營」的館長，必須要忽略現實的往歷史資料中去鑽；作為「台灣自治陣營」的館長，必須說服兩邊的基本教義思考看看現實。

陳儀深館長提出極端的假設，包括「由蔣總統所領導的台獨」，或許也包括保留中華民國用語的台灣獨立方案等，有助於我們去腦力激盪：我們真正在意的價值或目標是什麼？