川普〈2026國防戰略〉概要 Taimocracy翻譯 20260126

【雙魚之論】
Trump's four-year National Defense Strategy naturally differs significantly from those of Biden or any previous presidents. Its core is the full integration of MAGA principles, along with the concrete goals and pragmatic strategies needed to achieve “Make America Great Again.”
Many Taiwanese people, upon seeing that the document does not contain the word “Taiwan,” immediately become overjoyed or deeply disappointed—this is actually a symptom of lacking confidence in themselves. Sensationalist media are even more prone to this: the moment the strategy is released, headlines scream that it “does not mention Taiwan at all.”
In reality, by placing “deterring China through strength (rather than confrontation)” as the second Line of Effort—and given that China’s various forms of infiltration and threats against the U.S. homeland and the Western Hemisphere are already implicitly covered under the first Line of Effort focused on homeland and hemispheric security—this already directly encompasses the necessary measures to strengthen defense along the First Island Chain, including Taiwan. There is simply no need to explicitly name or elaborate on Taiwan.

川普的四年期國防戰略，自然與拜登或其他前任總統的文件有明顯差異，其核心就是融入MAGA理念，以及達成「讓美國再次偉大」的具體目標與務實策略。許多台灣人一看到文件中沒出現「台灣」二字，就立刻欣喜若狂或失望沮喪，這其實反映出對自身信心不足的心態；媒體更常以此煽動情緒，戰略發布當天就以「對台灣一字未提」為標題大作文章。
事實上，把「以實力嚇阻中國」列為第二大努力線（而中國對美國本土與西半球的各種滲透威脅，已隱含在第一線的本土與半球安全之中），就已直接涵蓋強化第一島鏈防衛——包括台灣在內——的必要措施，根本無需特別點名或多加贅述。 

INTRODUCTION 

President Trump in his first term and since reentering office in January 2025 has rebuilt the American military to be the world’s absolute best—its most formidable fighting force. But it is essential to emphasize how much of an achievement this has been. 川普總統於其第一任期內，以及自 2025 年 1 月重返執政以來，已重新打造美國軍隊，使其成為全球絕對最強、最具威懾力的作戰力量。然而，必須特別強調的是，這是一項得來不易、且極具分量的成就。

The fact is that President Trump took office in January 2025 to one of the most dangerous security environments in our nation’s history. At home, America’s borders were overrun, narcoterrorists and other enemies grew more powerful throughout the Western Hemisphere, and U.S. access to key terrain like the Panama Canal and Greenland was increasingly in doubt. Meanwhile in Europe, where President Trump had previously led North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies to begin taking their defenses seriously, the last administration effectively encouraged them to free-ride, leaving the Alliance unable to deter or respond effectively to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In the Middle East, Israel showed that it was able and willing to defend itself after the barbaric attacks of October 7th—in short, that it is a model ally. Yet rather than empower Israel, the last administration tied its hands. All the while, China and its military grew more powerful in the Indo-Pacific region, the world’s largest and most dynamic market area, with significant implications for Americans’ own security, freedom, and prosperity. 事實上，川普總統於 2025 年 1 月就任時，所面對的是我國歷史上最為危險的安全環境之一。在國內，美國邊境遭到全面失守，毒品恐怖主義者（narcoterrorists）及其他敵對勢力在整個西半球坐大，美國對巴拿馬運河、格陵蘭等關鍵地形的進出與掌控能力，也日益受到質疑。與此同時，在歐洲方面，川普總統過去曾成功促使北大西洋公約組織（NATO）盟國開始正視自身防務責任，但上一屆政府卻實質上縱容盟國「搭便車」，導致聯盟在嚇阻或有效回應俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭時顯得力有未逮。在中東地區，以色列在 10 月 7 日野蠻攻擊之後，清楚展現其有能力、也有意志捍衛自身安全——簡言之，是一個典範盟友。然而，上一屆政府非但未賦予以色列充分行動空間，反而對其設下諸多限制，綁住其手腳。與此同時，中國及其軍事力量在印太地區持續壯大。該地區不僅是全球規模最大、最具活力的市場，更對美國人民自身的安全、自由與繁榮產生深遠影響。

 

None of this was foreordained. America emerged from the Cold War as the world’s most powerful nation by a wide margin. We were secure in our hemisphere, with a military that was focused on warfighting and far superior to anyone else’s, engaged allies, and powerful industry. But rather than husband and cultivate these hard-earned advantages, our nation’s post–Cold War leadership and foreign policy establishment squandered them.  上述局勢並非命中注定。冷戰結束後，美國以明顯優勢崛起為全球最強大的國家。我們在自身半球內享有高度安全，擁有一支以實戰作戰為核心、戰力遠勝任何對手的軍隊，並有積極投入的盟友體系，以及強大的產業實力作為後盾。然而，我國在冷戰後的政治領導階層與外交政策建制派，非但未能妥善珍惜並持續培養這些來之不易的優勢，反而將其逐步揮霍殆盡。

 

Rather than protect and advance Americans’ interests, they opened our borders, forgot the wisdom of the Monroe Doctrine, ceded influence in our hemisphere, and outsourced America’s industry, including the defense industrial base (DIB) upon which our forces rely. They sent America’s brave sons and daughters to fight war after rudderless war to topple regimes and nation-build halfway around the world, in doing so eroding our military’s readiness and delaying modernization. They condemned our warfighters, criticizing and neglecting the warrior ethos that was once cultivated and heralded by our forerunners—and that made this American military the envy of the world. They allowed, even enabled, our cunning adversaries to grow more powerful, even as they encouraged our allies to behave as dependents rather than partners, weakening our alliances and leaving us more vulnerable. And so we found ourselves, in January 2025, facing not only a world with individual regions at war or descending toward it but also increased risk of America itself being drawn into simultaneous major wars across theaters—a third world war, as President Trump himself warned.  他們不僅未能保護並推進美國人民的利益，反而開放邊境，遺忘《門羅主義》的戰略智慧，將我方在西半球的影響力拱手讓人，並把包括國防工業基礎（Defense Industrial Base, DIB）在內的美國產業外包至海外——而這正是我軍戰力所賴以維繫的根基。

他們一次又一次將美國英勇的子女送上戰場，投入一場又一場缺乏清楚方向的戰爭，在地球彼端推翻政權、從事國家重建；其結果不僅侵蝕了我軍的戰備狀態，也延宕了必要的軍事現代化進程。

他們譴責並忽視前人所培養、曾被高度推崇的戰士精神（warrior ethos），使前線作戰人員遭到貶抑與冷落；而正是這種精神，曾讓美國軍隊成為全球競相仰望的典範。

他們任由、甚至助長狡猾的對手坐大，同時卻鼓勵盟邦以依賴者而非夥伴的姿態行事，從而削弱同盟體系，使美國自身暴露於更高的風險之中。

因此，到了 2025 年 1 月，我們所面對的不僅是一個在各個區域已陷入戰爭、或正迅速滑向戰爭邊緣的世界，更是一個美國本身被捲入跨戰區同時爆發多場重大戰爭風險大幅升高的局勢——正如川普總統本人所警告的，那將是一場第三次世界大戰。

 

That is all changing now. Under President Trump’s leadership, consistent with his vision and direction as laid out in the National Security Strategy (NSS), the Department of War (DoW) is laser-focused on restoring peace through strength. As detailed in the NSS, the President’s approach is one of a flexible, practical realism that looks at the world in a clear-eyed way, which is essential for serving Americans’ interests.  這一切正在發生根本性的改變。在川普總統的領導之下，並依循其於《國家安全戰略》（National Security Strategy, NSS）中所闡明的願景與指導方向，戰爭部（Department of War, DoW）已全面聚焦於以實力恢復和平這一核心目標。

如《國家安全戰略》所詳述，總統所採取的是一種靈活且務實的現實主義路線，以清醒、直視現實的方式審視世界——而這正是有效服務美國人民利益所不可或缺的前提。

 

This has clear implications for the Department of War. Above all, it means prioritizing the missions that matter most for Americans’ security, freedom, and prosperity. This means concentrating the Department’s efforts to:  此一戰略取向，對戰爭部具有明確而直接的意涵。最重要的是，必須優先處理對美國人民安全、自由與繁榮影響最為關鍵的任務。這意味著，戰爭部將集中其資源與行動重點於以下幾個方向：

 

► Defend the U.S. Homeland. We will secure America’s borders and maritime approaches, and we will defend our nation’s skies through Golden Dome for America and a renewed focus on countering unmanned aerial threats. We will maintain a robust and modern nuclear deterrent capable of addressing the strategic threats to our country, raise and sustain formidable cyber defenses, and hunt and neutralize Islamic terrorists who have the ability and intent to strike our Homeland. At the same time, we will actively and fearlessly defend America’s interests throughout the Western Hemisphere. We will guarantee U.S. military and commercial access to key terrain, especially the Panama Canal, Gulf of America, and Greenland. We will provide President Trump with credible military options to use against narco-terrorists wherever they may be. We will engage in good faith with our neighbors, from Canada to our partners in Central and South America, but we will ensure that they respect and do their part to defend our shared interests. And where they do not, we will stand ready to take focused, decisive action that concretely advances U.S. interests. This is the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, and America’s military stands ready to enforce it with speed, power, and precision, as the world saw in Operation ABSOLUTE RESOLVE.

► 防衛美國本土。
我們將確保美國的邊境與海上進出通道安全，並透過「美國金色穹頂」（Golden Dome for America）計畫，以及重新聚焦於反制無人載具空中威脅，捍衛我國領空安全。我們將維持一支強健且現代化的核嚇阻力量，足以因應對我國構成的戰略威脅，同時建構並持續提升堅實的網路防禦能力，並主動追捕、殲滅任何具備能力與意圖對我國本土發動攻擊的伊斯蘭恐怖分子。

與此同時，我們將積極且無所畏懼地捍衛美國在整個西半球的核心利益。我們將確保美國軍事與商業對關鍵地形的進出與使用權，特別是巴拿馬運河、「美洲灣」（Gulf of America）以及格陵蘭。我們也將為川普總統提供可信且可執行的軍事選項，以因應並打擊無論身在何處的毒品恐怖主義者（narco-terrorists）。

我們將本於誠意與鄰國互動，從加拿大到中美洲與南美洲的夥伴國家皆然；但同時也將確保他們尊重並承擔起捍衛共同利益的責任。若其未能如此行事，我們將隨時準備採取聚焦、果斷的行動，以具體方式推進美國的國家利益。

這正是「川普版的門羅主義補充原則」（Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine）。美國軍隊已準備好以速度、力量與精準度加以執行——正如全世界在「絕對意志ABSOLUTE RESOLVE 行動」中所見證的那樣。

 

► Deter China in the Indo-Pacific Through Strength, Not Confrontation. President Trump seeks a stable peace, fair trade, and respectful relations with China, and he has shown that he is willing to engage President Xi Jinping directly to achieve those goals. But President Trump has also shown how important it is to negotiate from a position of strength—and he has tasked DoW accordingly. Consistent with the President’s approach, DoW will therefore seek and open a wider range of military-to-military communications with the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) with a focus on supporting strategic stability with Beijing as well as deconfliction and de-escalation, more generally. But we will also be clear-eyed and realistic about the speed, scale, and quality of China’s historic military buildup. Our goal in doing so is not to dominate China; nor is it to strangle or humiliate them. Rather, our goal is simple: To prevent anyone, including China, from being able to dominate us or our allies—in essence, to set the military conditions required to achieve the NSS goal of a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific that allows all of us to enjoy a decent peace. To that end, as the NSS directs, we will erect a strong denial defense along the First Island Chain (FIC). We will also urge and enable key regional allies and partners to do more for our collective defense. In doing so, we will reinforce deterrence by denial so that all nations recognize that their interests are best served through peace and restraint. This is how we will establish a position of military strength from which President Trump can negotiate favorable terms for our nation. We will be strong but not unnecessarily confrontational. This is how we will help to turn President Trump’s vision for peace through strength into reality in the vital Indo-Pacific.

► 以實力而非對抗方式，在印太地區嚇阻中國。
川普總統追求的是穩定的和平、公平的貿易，以及彼此尊重的中美關係；而他也已展現出，為了達成這些目標，願意與習近平主席進行直接接觸與溝通。然而，川普總統同時也清楚表明：談判必須建立在實力之上——並已據此對戰爭部（Department of War, DoW）下達明確任務。

依循總統的這一方針，戰爭部將尋求並開展更廣泛且更具彈性的美中軍事對軍事（military-to-military）溝通管道，重點在於支持與北京之間的戰略穩定，以及整體性的風險管控、衝突避險與降溫機制（deconfliction and de-escalation）。

但同時，我們也將以清醒、務實的態度，正視中國史無前例軍事擴張在速度、規模與品質上的現實挑戰。我們的目標並非支配中國，也不是要扼殺或羞辱對方；相反地，我們的目標非常單純——防止任何國家，包括中國在內，具備支配美國或我方盟友的能力。從本質上說，這正是為實現《國家安全戰略》（NSS）所設定的目標——在印太地區建立一種權力平衡，使所有國家都能共享一個體面而可持續的和平環境——所必須具備的軍事條件。

為此，依照《國家安全戰略》的指示，我們將沿著第一島鏈（First Island Chain, FIC）建構一套強而有力的拒止型防禦體系（denial defense）。同時，我們也將敦促並協助區域內關鍵盟邦與夥伴，承擔更多集體防衛責任。

透過上述作為，我們將強化「拒止式嚇阻」，使各國清楚認知：其自身利益最能透過和平與克制來獲得保障。這正是我們為川普總統建立一個可據以談判、爭取有利條件的軍事實力基礎的方式。

我們將保持強大，但不進行不必要的對抗。這正是我們在關鍵的印太地區，將川普總統「以實力恢復和平」的願景轉化為現實的具體路徑。

 

► Increase Burden-Sharing with U.S. Allies and Partners. Ours is not a strategy of isolation. As the NSS directs, it is one of focused engagement abroad with a clear eye toward advancing the concrete, practical interests of Americans. Through this America First, commonsense lens, America’s alliances and partners have an essential role to play—but not as the dependencies of the last generation. Rather, as the Department rightly prioritizes Homeland defense and deterring China, other threats will persist, and our allies will be essential to dealing with all of them. Our allies will do so not as a favor to us, but out of their own interests. In the Indo-Pacific, where our allies share our desire for a free and open regional order, allies and partners’ contributions will be vital to deterring and balancing China. In Europe and other theaters, allies will take the lead against threats that are less severe for us but more so for them, with critical but more limited support from the United States.

In all cases, we will be honest but clear about the urgent need for them to do their part and that it is in their own interests to do so without delay. We will incentivize and enable them to step up. This requires a change in tone and style from the past, but that is necessary not only for Americans but also for our allies and partners. For too long, allies and partners have been content to let us subsidize their defense. Our political establishment reaped the credit while regular Americans paid the bill. With President Trump, a new approach is in effect. Already, President Trump has set a new global standard for defense spending at NATO’s Hague Summit—3.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) on core military spending and an additional 1.5% on security-related spending, for a total of 5% of GDP. We will advocate that our allies and partners meet this standard around the world, not just in Europe. As our allies do so, together with the United States, they will be able to field the forces required to deter or defeat potential adversaries in every key region of the world, even in the face of simultaneous aggression. This is how we will set conditions for lasting peace through strength around the world.

► 強化與美國盟邦及夥伴之間的責任分擔。
我們的戰略並非走向孤立。正如《國家安全戰略》（NSS）所指示，這是一項聚焦而有選擇性的對外投入策略，並始終以清醒的視角，確實推進美國人民具體且務實的利益。

透過這種「美國優先」、合乎常識的觀點，美國的盟邦與夥伴確實扮演不可或缺的角色——但不再是過去那一代所形成的依賴者。隨著戰爭部正確地將防衛本土與嚇阻中國列為優先任務，其他威脅仍將持續存在，而盟邦在因應這些挑戰上將不可或缺。盟邦之所以承擔這些責任，並非出於對美國的恩惠，而是基於其自身的國家利益。

在印太地區，盟邦與夥伴國家與美國共享對自由且開放的區域秩序的共同願景，其貢獻對於嚇阻與平衡中國的力量至關重要。在歐洲及其他戰區，盟邦則將主導因應那些對美國而言相對次要、但對其自身更為嚴峻的威脅，而美國則提供關鍵但較為有限的支持。

在所有情況下，我們都將坦率而明確地指出：盟邦與夥伴迫切需要立即承擔其應有的責任，而這完全符合其自身利益。我們將透過誘因設計與能力建構，促使並協助他們挺身而出。這確實意味著必須改變過去的語調與作法，但這樣的轉變，不僅對美國人民必要，對盟邦與夥伴本身亦然。

長期以來，盟邦與夥伴習於由美國為其國防安全提供補貼；政治建制體系收割成果，而真正買單的，卻是一般美國人民。隨著川普總統執政，一套全新的作法已正式上路。

事實上，川普總統已在北大西洋公約組織（NATO）海牙峰會上，為全球國防支出樹立了新的標準：核心軍事支出須達國內生產毛額（GDP）的 3.5%，另加 1.5% 的安全相關支出，合計達 GDP 的 5%。我們將倡議盟邦與夥伴在全球各地——而非僅限於歐洲——全面達成此一標準。

當盟邦與夥伴與美國一同做到這一點時，雙方將能夠部署足以在全球各個關鍵區域嚇阻或擊敗潛在對手的軍事力量，即便在同時面對多方向侵略的情境下亦然。這正是我們為全球建立「以實力維持長久和平」所必須奠定的戰略條件。

 

► Supercharge the U.S. Defense Industrial Base. President Trump is leading a once-in-acentury revival of American industry, re-shoring strategic industries to the United States and revitalizing the industries previous generations had shipped overseas. We will harness this historic initiative to rebuild our nation’s defense industry, which underpins our defense and that of our allies and partners. We must return to being the world’s premier arsenal, one that can produce not only for ourselves but also for our allies and partners at scale, rapidly, and at the highest levels of quality. To achieve this, we will reinvest in U.S. defense production, building out capacity; empowering innovators; adopting new advances in technology, like artificial intelligence (AI); and clearing away outdated policies, practices, regulations, and other obstacles to the type and scale of production that the Joint Force requires for the priorities before us. We will simultaneously leverage allied and partner production not just to meet our own requirements but also to incentivize them to increase defense spending and help them field additional forces as quickly as possible. In the process, we will not only ensure our own defense industrial advantage but also put our alliances on stronger footing so that they can do their part to maintain peace through strength on a strong, equitable, and enduring basis.

► 全面強化美國國防工業基礎。
川普總統正領導一場百年一遇的美國產業復興，將關鍵戰略產業重新移回美國本土，並重振過去數代人曾外移至海外的產業。我們將善用這一歷史性倡議，重建我國的國防工業體系——而這正是支撐美國自身防衛，以及盟邦與夥伴防衛能力的根本基石。

我們必須重新成為全球首屈一指的兵工廠，不僅能滿足自身需求，更能以大規模、快速且最高品質的方式，為盟邦與夥伴提供所需裝備與能力。為此，我們將重新投資於美國的國防生產體系，擴充產能；賦能創新者；導入包括人工智慧（AI）在內的新興科技；並清除過時的政策、作業模式、法規與其他障礙，以確保聯合作戰部隊（Joint Force）能取得符合當前優先任務所需之數量與規模的裝備與能力。

與此同時，我們也將善用盟邦與夥伴的生產能量，不僅用以滿足我方自身需求，更藉此激勵其提高國防支出，並協助其以最快速度部署額外部隊與戰力。

透過上述作為，我們不僅將確保美國在國防工業領域的結構性優勢，更將使盟邦體系建立在更穩固、更公平、且更具持續性的基礎之上，使其能切實承擔起自身責任，共同以實力維繫和平。

 

With the Department laser-focused on these priorities, we will ensure that the Joint Force is ready to deter and, if called upon, to prevail by achieving the nation’s objectives against the most dangerous threats to Americans’ interests. At the same time, this Strategy will enable the Joint Force to provide President Trump with the operational flexibility and agility required for other objectives, especially the ability to launch decisive operations against targets anywhere—including directly from the U.S. Homeland, as America’s servicemembers so memorably demonstrated in Operation MIDNIGHT HAMMER. By ensuring that the Joint Force is second to none, we will ensure the greatest optionality for the President to employ America’s armed forces.  在戰爭部精準聚焦於這些優先事項之下，我們將確保聯兵部隊隨時準備好嚇阻敵人，並在必要時獲勝，達成國家對美國利益最危險威脅的目標。與此同時，本戰略將賦予聯合部隊提供川普總統所需的作戰靈活性與敏捷性，以應對其他目標，特別是具備從美國本土直接對全球任何目標發動決定性作戰的能力——正如美國軍人於「午夜重錘行動」（Operation MIDNIGHT HAMMER）中所令人難忘展現的那樣。透過確保聯合部隊無人能出其右，我們將為總統運用美國武裝力量提供最大的選擇空間。

The core logic of this Strategy, consistent with President Trump’s historic and needed shift, is to put Americans’ interests first in a concrete and practical way. This requires being clear-eyed about the threats that we face, as well as the resources available to both us and our allies to confront them. It requires prioritizing what matters most for Americans and where the gravest and most consequential threats to their interests lie. It requires being honest and clear with our allies and partners that they simply must do more rapidly, not as a favor to Americans but for their own interests. This will entail a sharp shift—in approach, focus, and tone. But that is what is needed to shift away from the legacy course headed for disaster and toward making America great again. It is also the one that will set the conditions for lasting peace not only at home but abroad—in other words, a better outcome not only for Americans but also for our allies and partners. Out with utopian idealism; in with hardnosed realism. That is the mission we at DoW must embrace—boldly, actively, and without hesitation.  本戰略的核心邏輯，與川普總統歷史性且必要的轉變一致，就是以具體且務實的方式，將美國人的利益擺在首位。這要求我們對所面臨的威脅保持清醒認知，同時認清我們與盟友可用來對抗這些威脅的資源。它要求優先處理對美國人最重要的事項，以及對其利益構成最嚴重、最具後果的威脅所在。它要求我們對盟友與夥伴誠實且明確地表示：他們必須迅速承擔更多責任，這不是為了美國人的好處，而是為了他們自身的利益。這將帶來在方法、焦點與語調上的劇烈轉變。但這正是我們必須做的——擺脫走向災難的舊有路線，轉向讓美國再次偉大。這也是唯一能為國內外帶來持久和平的條件——換言之，不僅對美國人，也對我們的盟友與夥伴帶來更好的結果。告別烏托邦式的理想主義；迎接務實強硬的現實主義。這就是我們戰爭部（DoW）必須大膽、主動、毫不猶豫地擁抱的使命。

 

President Trump is leading our nation into a new golden age. As he does, he speaks often about restoring peace. But he is equally clear that we can only do so from a position of strength— including, fundamentally, military strength. Only the Department of War can provide that power to ensure that the nation’s interests are defended, and we will unapologetically do so. We will be our nation’s sword and its shield, always ready to be wielded decisively at the President’s direction, in service of his vision for lasting peace through strength. This National Defense Strategy (NDS) shows how.  川普總統正帶領我們的國家邁向新的黃金時代。在這個過程中，他經常談到恢復和平。但他同樣明確指出，我們只能從實力地位出發來實現和平——其中最根本的是軍事實力。只有戰爭部能夠提供這種力量，確保國家利益得到捍衛，我們將毫不歉疚地執行這項任務。我們將成為國家的利劍與盾牌，隨時準備在總統的指示下果斷出擊，為他透過實力實現持久和平的願景服務。本國家國防戰略（NDS）正是展現如何達成此目標的藍圖。