郭台銘的「框架」 能超越「政策」或「原則」？ Terry Gou's "framework" vs. "policy-to-principle"

【雙魚之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯
Terry Gou penned an op-ed in The Washington Post, beginning to expound his views on cross-strait relations. This is a positive development, but Taiwan's media either fails to report on it or amplifies the differences between the Chinese and English translations of "one China framework," leading to suspicions of double talk.
While the article may not have been written by Terry Gou himself, the content and arguments presented are his responsibility. He presents certain facts, but the reasons behind them may still be subject to debate. Xi Jinping's insistence on narrowing the 1992 Consensus to "one China" without room for separate interpretations is indeed a significant obstacle preventing both sides from meeting.
We hope Terry Gou will continue to address this question with more insightful arguments, aiming to break free from the conundrum of "One China Policy" and "One China Principle" amid the US-China confrontation while seeking to establish a "One China Framework."

郭台銘投書〈華盛頓郵報〉，開始闡述其兩岸關係的主張。這是好的，但是台灣的媒體不是不報，就是放大在中英文的差異：one China framework翻譯為「一中各表」，並從而質疑其雙面手法。
英文的文章當然不是郭台銘自己寫的，但內容與推論是郭台銘要負責。郭所舉的是事實，但原因可能仍有待商榷：習近平將九二共識限縮到「一個中華人民共和國」，沒有各自表述的空間，這點就是兩岸無法見面的原因。
希望郭台銘能繼續解決這個疑問—想要以「一中框架」跳脫在美中對峙下的「一中政策」與「一中原則」的捍格，需要更有智慧的論述。

台灣放棄「一中框架」加劇戰爭風險 Taiwan abandoning the one-China framework aggravates the risk of war    Terry Gou＠Washington Post / Taimocracy翻譯 20230717

With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine showing that large-scale war involving great powers is a 21st-century reality, the Taiwan Strait has reemerged as one of the most dangerous front lines in the world. Recent visits to Beijing by Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen opened a more promising pathway for U.S.-China relations than has existed in the past few years, but as long as the future of Taiwan remains fraught, there cannot be stability in those relations nor assurance of the peace that the people of Taiwan deserve.　隨著俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭表明，涉及大國的大規模戰爭已成為21世紀的現實，台灣海峽重新成為世界上最危險的前線之一。國務卿布林肯和財政部長葉倫最近對北京的訪問為美中關係開闢了一條比過去幾年更有希望的道路，但只要台灣的未來仍然令人擔憂，就不可能有任何進展。這些關係的穩定性也無法保證台灣人民應得的和平。

Beijing, Washington and Taipei share responsibility for the current state of confrontation. But Taiwan is most at risk — and it is up to Taiwan, its people and its leaders to take the necessary steps to secure its future.　北京、華盛頓和台北都對目前的對立局勢負有責任。但台灣最處於危險之中，台灣的未來安全取決於台灣本身、台灣人民以及台灣領導人採取必要的措施。

The current Democratic Progressive Party leadership has only made the situation more tense. Under the so-called 1992 Consensus, Taiwan and China agreed to accept the framework of “one China” — although the parties have differing interpretations of that term — and held discussions that over the years resulted in a number of productive agreements. But shortly after Tsai Ing-wen became Taiwan’s president in 2016, China cited her refusal to accept Beijing’s interpretation — which includes Taiwan as part of China — as a justification to end the cross-strait talks, and they have not resumed.　目前的民進黨領導層只會讓局勢更加緊張。根據所謂的1992年共識，台灣和中國同意接受「一個中國」的框架——儘管雙方對該術語有不同的解釋——並進行了多年來的討論，達成了許多富有成效的協議。但蔡英文於 2016 年就任台灣總統後不久，中國以她拒絕接受北京的解釋（其中將台灣視為中國的一部分）為理由結束兩岸會談，而兩岸會談至今尚未恢復。

Vice President Lai Ching-te, who is running to succeed Tsai as president, has called for reducing trade ties with China, which he calls “dependencies,” and insists that they can be replaced by an international network of partners. Like Tsai, he rejects the one-China framework.　正在競選接替蔡英文總統的副總統賴清德呼籲減少與中國的貿易關係，他稱之為「依賴」，並堅稱可以用國際合作夥伴網路來取代這種關係。和蔡英文一樣，他拒絕一個中國框架。

But the 1992 Consensus the ruling party wishes to walk away from has facilitated millions of visits across the strait, massive investments and two-way trade, economic growth, hundreds of weekly direct flights, a relaxation in tensions and a sense of optimism about a peaceful future on both sides. By abandoning the one-China framework for talks, the current leaders in Taiwan and those in their party who would replace them have greatly aggravated the threat of war, isolated Taiwan internationally, damaged our economy, scared away investors and made Taiwan less secure.　然而，執政黨希望遠離的1992年共識，曾促進了兩岸間數百萬次的互訪、大規模投資和雙向貿易，經濟增長，每週數百班的直航航班，緩和了緊張局勢，讓兩岸對和平未來懷抱樂觀。而現任台灣領導人及其政黨中希望接替他們的人，放棄了與大陸進行談判的「一中框架」，極大地加劇了戰爭威脅，使台灣在國際上孤立，損害了我們的經濟，嚇跑了投資者，讓台灣變得更不安全。

I have long advocated the immediate resumption of direct cross-strait negotiations between Taiwan and China as the only way to truly ease tensions and to preserve Taiwan’s democracy, freedom and rule of law. Posturing for partisan political advantage or to piggyback on U.S.-China confrontation is no substitute for the real work of talking and negotiating with those who will have the most impact on our future. To loosely quote the late Israeli leader Yitzhak Rabin, you negotiate peace with your enemies, not with your friends. We need to ensure that in the future Taiwan and China will not behave as enemies, as they see each other under the present leadership. My extensive business dealings and personal experience with China — both its leadership and its people — tell me that they need not be.　我一直主張立即恢復兩岸直接談判，這是真正緩解緊張局勢、維護台灣民主、自由和法治的唯一途徑。擺出黨派政治優勢或利用中美對抗的姿態，並不能取代與那些對我們未來影響最大的人進行對話和談判的實際工作。粗略地引用已故以色列領導人拉賓的話，你是與敵人而不是朋友談判和平。我們需要確保未來台灣和中國不會像他們在現任領導下所認為的那樣表現得像敵人一樣。我與中國的廣泛商業往來和個人經歷——包括中國的領導層和人民——告訴我，他們不必如此。

The people of Taiwan need peace and stability to ensure a bright future, unclouded by uncertainty. Peace is not an abstraction for me. I am part of the generation that fought to defend Taiwan: I served 50 years ago on Kinmen, which was bombarded by China in 1958, with hostilities persisting for two decades. We, the people of Taiwan, must ensure that such events are never repeated. Unfortunately, reckless rhetoric and provocative policies are making a recurrence more likely, not less.　台灣人民需要和平與穩定，以確保沒有不確定性的光明未來。和平對我來說並不是一個抽象的概念。我屬於為保衛台灣而戰的一代人：50 年前，我曾在金門服役，1958 年，金門曾遭到中國的砲擊，敵對行動持續了 20 年。我們台灣人民必須確保此類事件不再重演。不幸的是，魯莽的言論和挑釁性的政策正在使類似事件再次發生的可能性變得更大，而不是更少。

Taiwan has become a world leader in technology and economic development. It has done so in no small part by leveraging the entrepreneurial talents of its people and businesses with Chinese partners. In direct talks with the Chinese, it can show the world that it also can be a responsible global political actor by defending its integrity and values in pragmatic negotiations on vital issues and defusing tensions.　台灣已成為全球科技和經濟發展的領導者。它在很大程度上是透過與中國夥伴合作，利用其人民和企業的創業才能取得這樣的成就。透過與中國直接對話，台灣可以向世界展示，它也能成為一個負責任的全球政治行為者，通過在重要問題上進行務實談判並緩解緊張局勢，捍衛其完整性和價值觀。

Taiwan’s people greatly appreciate the material and moral support the United States has provided over the past seven decades. Taiwan’s democracy, its economic dynamism and its strong defense owe much to the American people. That support is still important. But there comes a time when a people has to assume principal responsibility for itself, not accept a tutelage that becomes an unhealthy dependency. Taiwan has to take control of its destiny, strengthen deterrence capability and, at the same time, deliver an approach to peace that benefits the region and the globe, but most of all itself.　台灣人民非常感謝美國70年來提供的物質和道義支持。台灣的民主、經濟活力和強大的國防很大程度上歸功於美國人民。這種支持仍然很重要。但總有一天，一個民族必須為自己承擔主要責任，而不是接受成為一種不健康的依賴的監護。台灣必須掌握自己的命運，加強威懾能力，同時提出一種有利於地區和全球、但最重要的是其自身的和平方針。

It can do so only by working with China directly on the basis of the one-China framework.　它只能在一個中國框架的基礎上直接與中國合作才能做到這一點。

That will necessitate direct, face-to-face talks by senior leaders of both governments. There is room in such a framework for Taiwan to fully protect its democracy, freedom and way of life even as we undertake what is sure to be a long and arduous process of discussion and negotiation. But in the meantime, it is absolutely vital that China and Taiwan agree on a framework and a process that can pull us back from the precipice.　這需要兩國政府高級領導人進行直接、面對面的會談。即使我們進行肯定是漫長而艱鉅的討論和談判過程，這樣的框架仍有空間讓台灣充分保護其民主、自由和生活方式。但與此同時，中國和台灣必須絕對重視達成可以使我們遠離危險的邊緣的一個框架和程序性的協議。