【縛雞之見】
美退將:拜登設定動武紅線 包括共軍犯台
美國應以軍事回應的「紅線」包括:
中國或北韓以核生化武器攻擊美國及其盟邦;
中國武力進犯台灣及離島,包括經濟封鎖台灣或對台灣公共基礎設施與機構發動大規模網路攻擊。中國攻擊防衛尖閣諸島及四周東海經濟海域主權的日本軍隊;
中國在南海採取重大敵對行動以進一步開發各島礁並使之軍事化,以部署軍隊對抗其他主權聲索方;
妨礙美國與盟邦海軍執行全面自由航行作業;以及
中國進攻美國締約盟邦的主權領土與軍事設施
How the US military is preparing for a war with China James Stavridis@Nikkei Asia 20210307
U.S. Marines participate in an amphibious assault exercise in Chonburi, Thailand,
in February 2020: the Marines will be sea-based and able to sail into the waters
of the South China Sea. © Sipa/AP
James Stavridis | https://asia.nikkei.com/
Admiral James Stavridis was 16th Supreme Allied Commander of NATO and 12th
Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. He spent the
bulk of his operational career in the Pacific, and is author of “2034: A Novel of
the Next World War.”
The Atlantic Council’s publication of The Longer Telegram, which lays
out a sweeping blueprint for a U.S. strategy to face China, provides significant
clues about a new lay-down of American forces around east Asia.
Whether the new Biden administration fully embraces the paper’s aggressive
stance remains to be seen, but elements are under serious consideration. Certainly,
the new team at the National Security Council, led by highly respected Asia hand
Kurt Campbell and a deep bench of Asia experts, will be looking at a wide variety
of options for the military component of a new overall strategic posture.
One of the key elements in the military component is a series of “red lines” to which the U.S. would respond militarily.
These include “any nuclear, chemical, or biological
weapons action by China against the U.S. or its allies or by North Korea; any Chinese
military attack against Taiwan or its offshore islands, including an economic blockade
or major cyberattack against Taiwanese public infrastructure and institutions; any
Chinese attack against Japanese forces in their defense of Japanese sovereignty
over the Senkaku Islands, which China claims as the Diaoyu, and their surrounding
exclusive economic zone in the East China Sea; any major Chinese hostile action
in the South China Sea to further reclaim and militarize islands, to deploy force
against other claimant states, or to prevent full freedom of navigation operations
by the U.S. and allied maritime forces; and any Chinese attack against the sovereign
territory or military assets of U.S. treaty allies.”
At U.S. Indo-Pacific headquarters, strategic, operational and tactical teams
are putting together new approaches for deploying American forces. These new options
will be sent back to the Pentagon as part of the overall “posture review” being
undertaken by new Secretary of Defense General Lloyd Austin. What will emerge?
One option is an enhanced role for the U.S. Marine Corps, which traces so
much of its pre-9/11 operational history to the Pacific going back to World War
II. Under the dynamic intellectual leadership of Marine Corps Commandant Dave Berger,
gone are the large troop formations, armored capability and land-based Marine tactics
of the “forever wars” in the Middle East.
Instead, in the context of a U.S.-China strategy, the Marines will be resolutely
sea-based and able to sail into the waters of the South China Sea, well inside the
island chains China relies on for defense. Once inside, they will use armed drones,
offensive cyber capabilities, Marine Raiders — highly capable special forces — anti-air
missiles and even ship-killer strike weapons to attack Chinese maritime forces,
and perhaps even their land bases of operations. The Chinese militarized artificial
islands in the South China Sea would be juicy targets, for example. In essence,
this will be guerrilla warfare from the sea.
An airstrip and buildings on China’s man-made Subi Reef in the Spratly Islands
in the South China Sea, pictured in April 2017: juicy targets. © AP
In addition to a new Marine tactical and operational approach, the U.S. Navy
will be undertaking more aggressive patrols throughout the waters off China. Some
will say this is merely the military equivalent of “driving doughnut holes in your
neighbor’s lawn.” But the strategic concept is clever: to gradually include other
allied warships in this aggressive freedom of navigation patrols. Doing so internationalizes
the pushback on Chinese claims of sovereignty over the South China Sea.
In particular, the Pentagon is hoping to include British, French and other
NATO allies in the effort. Indeed the recent NATO defense ministerial in Brussels
involved consultations over the alliance’s role in facing the rising military capability
of China. Over time, the U.S. would like to convince Australia, New Zealand, India,
Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Vietnam to participate in such deployments. The
U.S. overall maritime strategic posture is predicated on creating a global maritime
coalition to face the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s highly capable forces.
In addition to the sea service’s activities, the U.S. Air Force will likely
be shifting additional long-range land-attack bombers and fighters to Pacific bases
that are widely distributed across Asia, including some very remote sites on smaller
islands. These so-called spokes will be supported from larger bases in Guam, Japan,
Australia and South Korea. The concept, dubbed Agile Combat Employment, adds a high
degree of mobility to the currently concentrated combat power of both fighter and
attack aircraft deployed in the region.
Finally, the U.S. Army will increase both combat power and mobility to deploy
units forward in support of the red lines along those advocated in the telegram,
including enhanced capability based in South Korea and Japan but easily capable
of deploying to smaller islands throughout the region.
Both the Army and Air Force would be on the forward edge of additional training
and exercises with the Taiwanese as well. Look for increased emphasis from the new
American Space Force to focus intelligence and reconnaissance on the theater, as
well as enhanced offensive cyber options from the U.S. Cyber Command, in coordination
with the National Security Agency.
Taken together, it seems clear that the U.S. military is stepping up its presence
and combat capability in the Western Pacific, and positioning for a conflict with
China over the coming decades.
The Longer Telegram provides an important
clue as to what options the Pentagon and the White House are considering as part
of an expected new strategy to face the rise of China. Hopefully, skillful diplomacy
and the intertwined economies of the two great powers will preclude the outbreak
of war — but U.S. military planners are busy these days.
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