Q Thanks, Mr.
President. I wanted to ask about your relationship with
China now that you’ve been in office for a couple months. There’s obviously
the meeting in Alaska that was a little theatrical,
and there’s the continued human rights abuses.
So, today, I’m wondering: Are you more likely than you were when you came into office
to maintain tariffs on China? Are you considering
banning imports of forced-labor
products? And would you consider cutting off U.S. investment or Chinese access
to international payment systems?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, they’re each specifically legitimate questions,
but they only touch a smidgen of what the relationship with China really is about.
I’ve known Xi Jinping for a long time. Allegedly, by the time I left office as Vice President, I had spent more time with Xi Jinping than any world leader had, because President Obama and the Chinese President Hu decided we should get to know one another since it was inappropriate for the President of the United States to spend time with the vice president of another country. But it was obvious he was going to become the new leader of China.
So, I spent hours upon hours with him alone with an interpreter — my interpreter and his — going into great
detail. He is very, very straightforward.
Doesn’t have a democratic — with a small “D” — bone
in his body. But he’s a smart, smart guy.
He’s one of the guys, like Putin, who thinks that autocracy
is the wave of the future and democracy can’t function in an ever — an ever-complex
world.
So, when I was elected and he called to congratulate me, I think to the surprise
of the China experts who were — his people were on call as well as mine, listening
— we had a two-hour conversation. For two hours.
And we made several things clear to one another. I made it clear to him again
what I’ve told him in person on several occasions:
that we’re not looking for confrontation, although we know there will be steep, steep competition.
Two, that we’ll have strong competition but we’ll
insist that China play by the international rules: fair competition, fair
practices, fair trade.
Thirdly, in order to compete effectively,
I indicated that we’re going to deal with China effectively,
and we’re going to need three things to do that. I tell him, our people. First,
we’re going to invest in American workers and American science. I said that all
through the campaign and I say it again. And we’re — and I’m setting up my administration
to be able to do that, which is that, you know, back in the ‘60s, we used to invest
a little over 2 percent of our entire GDP in
pure research and investment in science. Today, it’s
0.7 percent. I’m going to change that. We’re going to change that.
The future lies in who can, in fact, own the future as it relates to technology,
quantum computing, a whole range of things, including in medical fields. And so
what I’m going to do is make sure we invest closer to 2 percent.
One of the reasons why I’ve set up the — the PAB [PCAST] — the President’s
board with scientists and the like, again — is we’re going to invest in medical
research — cancer, Alzheimer’s, diabetes, the things — industries of the future
— artificial intelligence, quantum computing, biotech. And we’re going to make real
investments. China is out investing us by a longshot, because their plan is to own
that future.
The third — the second thing we’re going to do is we’re going to reestablish our alliances. And I’ve been very clear
with him, it’s not anti-Chinese. And we’ve talked about it.
I want to make sure that, for example, later today, after this — as a matter
of fact, shortly after this, which is fine; we’ve been going close to an hour. I’m
happy to go longer. But one of the things that I’m going to be doing, I’m going
to be speaking with the 27 heads of state in Europe and very shortly — I think within
the next hour or so. I don’t know the exact time.
And earlier this month — and apparently it got the Chinese’s attention; that’s
not why I did it — I met with our allies and how we’re going to hold China accountable
in the region: Australia, India, Japan, and the United States — the so-called Quad.
Because we have to have democracies working together.
Before too long, I’m going to have — I’m going to invite an alliance of democracies to come here to discuss
the future. And so we’re going to make it clear that in order to deal with these
things, we are going to hold China accountable to follow
the rules — to follow the rules — whether it relates to the South China Sea
or the North China Sea, or their agreement made on
Taiwan, or a whole range of other things.
And the third thing, and the thing that I admire about dealing with Xi is
he understands — he makes no pretense about not understanding
what I’m saying any more than I do him — I pointed out to him: No leader can be sustained in his position or her position
unless they represent the values of the country. And I said as — “And,
Mr. President, as I’ve told you before, Americans value
the notion of freedom. America values human rights. We don’t always live up to our
expectations, but it’s a values system. We are founded on that principle. And
as long as you and your country continues to so blatantly violate human rights,
we’re going to continue, in an unrelenting way, to call to the attention of the
world and make it clear — make it clear what’s happening.”
And he understood that. I made it
clear that no American President — at least one did — but no American President
ever back down from speaking out of what’s happening to the Uighurs, what’s happening
in Hong Kong, what’s happening in-country.
That’s who we are. The moment a President walks away from that, as the last
one did, is the moment we begin to lose our legitimacy around the world. It’s who
we are.
So I see stiff competition with China. China has
an overall goal, and I don’t criticize them for the goal, but they have an overall
goal to become the leading country in the world, the wealthiest country in the world,
and the most powerful country in the world. That’s not going to happen on my watch
because the United States are going to continue to grow and expand.
Q All right. Just to follow up on the meeting of
democracies: Is that where you expect, in a multilateral way, to make these decisions
about sanctions? Or —
THE PRESIDENT: No, that’s not where I make the decision; that’s where I make
sure we’re all on the same page. All on the same page. Look, I predict to you, your
children or grandchildren are going to be doing their doctoral thesis on the issue
of who succeeded: autocracy or democracy?
Because that is what is at stake, not just with China.
Look around the world. We’re in the midst of a fourth
industrial revolution of enormous consequence. Will there be middle class?
How will people adjust to these significant changes in science and technology and
the environment? How will they do that? And are democracies equipped — because all
the people get to speak — to compete?
It is clear, absolutely clear — and most of the scholars I dealt with at Penn
agree with me around the country — that this is a battle between the utility of
democracies in the 21st century and autocracies.
If you notice, you don’t have Russia talking about
communism anymore. It’s about an autocracy. Demand decisions made
by a leader of a country — that’s what’s at stake here. We’ve got to prove democracy works.
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