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2020-11-19

The Elements of the China Challenge(中國挑戰的要素:摘要) The Policy Planning Staff, Office of the Secretary of State 202011/Taimocracy 翻譯20201118

【縛雞之見】

美國之音專訪國務卿蓬佩奧首席中國政策和規劃顧問余茂春全文實錄 VOA 20201117 

 

The Elements of the China Challenge
(中國挑戰的要素:摘要)    The Policy Planning Staff, Office of the Secretary of State 202011    Taimocracy翻譯20201118

Executive Summary

Awareness has been growing in the United States — and in nations around the world — that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has triggered a new era of great-power competition.  Yet few discern the pattern in China’s inroads within every region of the world, much less the specific form of dominance to which the party aspires.

在美國乃至世界各國,人們日益意識到中國共產黨(CCP)引發了大國競爭的新時代。但,很少有人能看出中國在世界每個地區的入侵模式,更不用說黨所追求的特定的統治形式

The CCP aims not merely at preeminence within the established world order — an order that is grounded in free and sovereign nation-states, flows from the universal principles on which America was founded, and advances U.S. national interests —but to fundamentally revise world order, placing the People’s Republic of China (PRC) at the center and serving Beijing’s authoritarian goals and hegemonic ambitions.

中共不只是著眼於在既定的世界秩序中占主導地位—這種秩序建立在自由和主權民族國家的基礎上,源於美國所建立的普遍原則,並促進了美國的國家利益—而是從根本上改變世界秩序,以中華人民共和國(PRC)為中心,為北京的權威目標和霸權野心服務。

In the face of the China challenge, the United States must secure freedom.

面對中國的挑戰,美國必須確保自由。

China is a challenge because of its conduct.  Modeled on 20th-century Marxist-Leninist dictatorship, the CCP eventually spurred rapid modernization and produced prodigious economic growth — thanks in no small measure to the party’s decision in the late 1970s to embrace free-market elements and to the decision by the United States and nations around the world to engage, and welcome commerce with, China.  The party today wields its economic power to co-opt and coerce countries around the world; make the societies and politics of foreign nations more accommodating to CCP specifications; and reshape international organizations in line with China’s brand of socialism.  At the same time, the CCP is developing a world-class military to rival and eventually surpass the U.S. military.  These actions enable the CCP to credibly pursue the quest — proceeding outward through the Indo-Pacific region and encompassing the globe — to achieve “national rejuvenation” culminating in the transformation of the international order.

中國因其行為,而成為一個挑戰。中共以20世紀馬克思·列寧主義專政為樣本,最終啟動快速現代化並產生了驚人的經濟增長。在很大程度上,這要歸功於該黨在1970年代後期決定接納自由市場因素,以及美國和各國決定與中國交往,並樂於與中國進行貿易。今天,該黨行使其經濟權力來脅迫世界各國。使外國的社會和政治更加服膺中共的條件;並根據中國的社會主義品牌,重塑國際組織。同時,中共正在發展一支世界級的軍事力量,以抗衡並最終超過美國軍力。這些行動使中共能夠可靠地追求—遍及印度太平洋區域並遍及全球—實現其「民族復興」,最終改變國際秩序。

To understand China’s peculiar form of authoritarianism and the hegemonic goals to which it gives rise, it is necessary to grasp the intellectual sources from which China’s conduct springs: the CCP’s Marxist-Leninist beliefs and the party’s extreme interpretation of Chinese nationalism.

為了理解中國獨特的威權主義形式,以及由此產生的霸權目標,我們有必要掌握中國行為所產生的論說淵源:中共對馬克思列寧主義信仰,和中共對中國民族主義的極端詮釋。

Notwithstanding its authoritarian rule over PRC citizens and the threat it presents to freedom around the world, China under the CCP is marked by a variety of vulnerabilities.  These begin with the disadvantages endemic to autocracy: constraints on innovation, difficulties forming and maintaining alliances, and costs arising from internal repression.  They also include vulnerabilities specific to the PRC: economic instability; demographic imbalance; environmental degradation; persistent corruption; oppression of ethnic and religious minorities; daunting expenses incurred in monitoring, censoring, and indoctrinating 1.4 billion people in China; separation of the military, which is controlled by the party, from the people; and — particularly in the wake of the illness, death, and social and economic devastation wrought worldwide by the COVID-19 pandemic born in Wuhan — mounting international anger at the CCP’s contempt for human life, indifference to other nations’ well-being, and disregard for international norms and obligations.

儘管對中國公民實行專制統治,且對世界各地的自由構成威脅,但在中國共產黨的領導下,中國仍然存在各種脆弱性。這些源於專制獨有的弊端:限制創新,難以建立和維持聯盟,以及內部鎮壓產生的高昂成本。除此之外,還包括中國特有的漏洞:經濟不穩定;人口失衡;環境惡化;持續的腐敗;壓迫少數民族和宗教少數群體;在中國監視,審查和洗腦14億人口而產生的鉅額費用;與人民疏離而由黨控制的軍隊;並且—特別是源自武漢的COVID-19大流行,導致全世界疫情,死亡以及社會和經濟破壞後—支持中共無視人命,對其他國家的冷漠不關心,以及無視國際規範和義務。

Meeting the China challenge requires the United States to return to the fundamentals.  To secure freedom, America must refashion its foreign policy in light of ten tasks.

應對中國挑戰,美國必須回歸基本面。為了確保自由,美國必須根據以下十項工作來重新制定外交政策。

First, the United States must secure freedom at home by preserving constitutional government, promoting prosperity, and fostering a robust civil society, all of which nourish the civic concord that has always been essential to meeting the nation’s challenges abroad.

首先,為確保國內自由,美國必須透過維護合憲政府,促進繁榮和建立健全的公民社會,所有這些都支持著公民意識,以對應國外的挑戰。

Second, the United States must maintain the world’s most powerful, agile, and technologically sophisticated military while enhancing security cooperation, grounded in common interests and shared responsibility, with allies and partners.

其次,美國必須維持世界上最強大、敏捷、技術最先進的軍事力量,同時加強與盟友和夥伴基於共同利益和共同責任的安全合作。

Third, the United States must fortify the free, open, and rules-based international order that it led in creating after World War II, which is composed of sovereign nation-states and based on respect for human rights and fidelity to the rule of law. 第三,美國必須鞏固在第二次世界大戰後建立的自由、開放和基於規則的國際秩序,該秩序由主權民族國家所組成,並以尊重人權和忠於法治為基礎。

Fourth, the United States must reevaluate its alliance system and the panoply of international organizations in which it participates to determine where they fortify the free, open, and rules-based international order and where they fall short.

第四,美國必須重新評估其聯盟體系和全數國際組織,以加強自由,開放和基於規則的國際秩序。

Fifth, in light of that reevaluation, the United States must strengthen its alliance system by more effectively sharing responsibilities with friends and partners and by forming a variety of groupings and coalitions to address specific threats to freedom while, in cooperation with the world’s democracies and other like-minded partners, reforming international organizations where possible and, where necessary, building new ones rooted in freedom, democracy, national sovereignty, human rights, and the rule of law.

第五,鑑於這種重新評估,美國必須加強與盟國的關係,方法是更有效地與朋友和夥伴分擔責任,並與世界民主國家及其他同心國家合作,組成各種集團和聯盟來應對針對自由的具體威脅,與夥伴合作,在可能的情況下改革現有國際組織,在必要時建立植根於自由,民主,國家主權,人權和法治的新組織。

Sixth, the United States must promote American interests by looking for opportunities to cooperate with Beijing subject to norms of fairness and reciprocity, constraining and deterring the PRC when circumstances require, and supporting those in China who seek freedom.

第六,為促進美國的利益,美國必須在公平和互惠的準則下,尋找與北京合作的機會,在情況需要時,限制和威懾PRC,並支援在中國境內尋求自由的人。

Seventh, the United States must educate American citizens about the scope and implications of the China challenge because only an informed citizenry can be expected to back the complex mix of demanding policies that the United States must adopt to secure freedom.

第七,美國必須教育美國公民有關中國挑戰的範圍和影響,因為只有知情的公民才能支持美國為確保自由而必須採取的各種嚴厲政策。

Eighth, the United States must train a new generation of public servants — in diplomacy, military affairs, finance, economics, science and technology, and other fields — and public policy thinkers who not only attain fluency in Chinese and acquire extensive knowledge of China’s culture and history, but who also attain fluency in the languages, and acquire extensive knowledge of the cultures and histories, of other strategic competitors, friends, and potential friends.

第八,美國必須在外交,軍事,金融,經濟,科學和技術等領域,培訓新一代的公務員,以及不僅能流利漢語,而且對中國文化和知識有廣泛了解的公共政策思想家。他們必須掌握其他戰略競爭對手、朋友和潛在朋友的流利語言,並獲得有關文化和歷史的廣泛知識。

Ninth, the United States must reform American education, equipping students to shoulder the enduring responsibilities of citizenship in a free and democratic society by understanding America’s legacy of liberty and also preparing them to meet the special demands of a complex, information-age, globalized economy for expertise in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

第九,美國必須改革美國教育,讓學生透過了解美國的自由傳統,而能在自由民主的社會中承擔公民的持久責任,並為適應複雜、資訊時代、全球化經濟的特殊技能,而做好科學,技術,工程和數學方面的專業知識準備。

Tenth, the United States must champion the principles of freedom — principles that are at once universal and at the heart of the American national spirit — through example; speeches; educational initiatives; public diplomacy; foreign assistance and investment; sanctions in more difficult circumstances as well as other forms of non-military pressure; and, where the nation’s vital interests are at stake and all else has failed, military force.

第十,美國必須擁護自由原則,這些原則既是普遍的,又是美國立國精神的核心。透過實例、演講、教育倡議、公共外交、對外援助和投資、在更加困難的情況下進行制裁,以及其他形式的非軍事壓力;並且,在危及國家的切身利益而其他一切都失敗時,使用軍事力量。

Grounded in America’s founding principles and constitutional traditions; invigorated by a bustling economy; undergirded by the world’s best-trained and best-equipped military; served by government officials who understand the American people and the American political system, recognize the diversity and common humanity of the peoples and nations of the world, and appreciates the complex interplay of ideas and interests in foreign affairs; and fortified by an informed and engaged citizenry — this multi-pronged approach will enable the United States to secure freedom.

根植於美國的立國原則和憲法傳統;振興繁榮經濟;被世界上訓練有素,裝備最精良的軍隊所鞏固;由了解美國人民和美國政治制度,認識到世界各國人民和民族的多樣性和共同人性,並讚賞在外交事務中思想和利益之間,複雜相互作用的政府官員提供服務;並由知識淵博和參與度高的公民所加強—這種多管齊下的方法,將使美國能夠確保自由。

  

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