As Prepared Remarks by Secretary Esper at the Royal United Services Institute in London DoD 20190906 Taimocracy翻譯 20190908

As Prepared Remarks by Secretary Esper at the Royal United Services Institute in London    DoD 20190906  Taimocracy翻譯 20190908

Good morning, and thank you Sir John for that introduction.  It's great to be here at what I'm told is the ''world's oldest independent think tank on international defense and security.''  Thanks also for inviting me to speak with you today.  I'm looking forward to our discussion.

早安，謝謝約翰爵士的介紹。很高興來到這裡，我聽說這是是「世界上最古老的國際防務和安全獨立智囊團。」我還要感謝邀請我今天與你交談。我期待著我們的討論。

I'll start by framing the global security environment for everyone through the lens of the United States.  To do that, let's consider the following factors: first, we are in the midst of negotiating a political settlement to what has been the longest war in the history of the United States; next, trade-offs between defense and domestic spending are leading to intense budget debates in Congress; a generation of service members who have become experts in irregular warfare must now re-learn the skills associated with high-intensity conflict; the Military Services are re-evaluating their warfighting capabilities and doctrine; and the defense industrial base must re-tool its assembly lines to produce a new generation of aircraft, ships, and fighting vehicles.

首先，我將以美國的視角，為每個人構建全球安全環境。為此，讓我們考慮以下因素：首先，我們正在談判一個政治解決方案，這是美國歷史上最長的戰爭；接下來，國防和國內支出之間的權衡，取決於國會的激烈預算辯論；已成為非正規戰爭的一整代專家，現在必須重新學習與高強度衝突相關的技能；軍事部門正在重新評估他們的作戰能力和作戰準則；國防工業基地必須重新裝配其裝配線，以生產新一代飛機，戰艦和戰車。

All of this is necessary because there are new threats on the horizon.  Strategic competitors have modernized their forces, professionalized their militaries, and are using their military power to intimidate, coerce, and threaten the sovereignty of weaker nations.  To counter these growing threats, the United States – and its allies – must act now.  The year I am talking about of course…is 1973.

所有這一切都是必要的，因為有新的威脅即將出現。戰略競爭者使他們的部隊現代化，使他們的軍隊專業化，並利用他們的軍事力量來威脅，脅迫和威脅弱國的主權。為了應對這些不斷增長的威脅，美國及其盟國必須立即採取行動。我談論的那一年......是的，是1973年。

That year represented a strategic inflection point for the United States Military, along with many of our allies who had a stake in the protection of freedom and democracy throughout the world.  Visionary leaders recognized the world was changing.  The Yom Kippur War demonstrated the lethality of modern anti-armor weapons, much like Russia's action in Ukraine proved how drones, cyber-attacks, and artillery could be used to find, fix, and destroy modern military forces.  Moreover, the build-up of Soviet forces along the western-front of the Warsaw Pact presented an existential threat to our way of life.  The ''Iron Curtain'' that Winston Churchill had first described over two decades earlier seemed to be solidifying as communism took hold in new parts of the world.

1973那一年代表了美國軍隊，以及我們在全世界保護自由和民主的許多盟友，的戰略轉折點。有遠見的領導者認識到世界正在發生變化：贖罪日戰爭，證明了現代反裝甲武器的殺傷力，就像俄羅斯在烏克蘭的行動證明無人機，網路攻擊和火砲，可以用來發現，確認和摧毀現代軍事力量一樣。此外，沿華沙條約西翼的蘇聯軍隊的集結，對我們的生活方式構成了生存威脅。邱吉爾20多年前首次描述的「鐵幕」似乎正在鞏固，因為共產主義在世界新的地區佔據了一席之地。

In response, the U.S. military adapted by modernizing our formations, equipment, and doctrine across all Services.  And although the long-feared 'Battle of the Fulda Gap' never transpired, this new military force demonstrated its battlefield prowess against the Iraqi Army in 1991 by employing a combination of Tomahawk Cruise missiles, precision air strikes, and fast-moving ground forces to defeat the fourth largest army in the world in less than 100 hours.  I fought in that war as a young military officer, and the lessons we took away from that important time in our history stick with me to this day.

作為回應，美國軍隊透過在所有服務中，以我們的編隊，設備和學說的現代化，進行了調整。雖然長期擔心的「富爾達山谷之役」從未發生過，但這支新的軍事力量在1991年透過結合使用戰斧巡航導彈，精確空襲和快速移動的地面部隊展示了其對伊拉克軍隊的戰場實力。在不到100小時的時間內擊敗了世界第四大軍隊。作為一名年輕的軍官，我參加了這場戰爭，我們從歷史上那個重要時刻帶走的教訓一直延續到今天。

Now, as Mark Twain is reported to have said, ''history does not repeat itself, but it often rhymes.''  Today, we find ourselves in a situation very similar to that of 1973; one where the hard-fought battles of the past 18 years have come at the expense of preparing for those of the future.  Our strategic competitors, namely Russia and China, have capitalized on this period, also learning lessons from studying U.S. military operations over the years.  To counter our traditional advantages they are investing heavily into military modernization, while expanding their capabilities in the space and cyber domains.  And while the cumulative power of the NATO alliance remains unmatched, some of our comparative advantages have been diminished.

現在，據報導馬克吐溫曾說過，「歷史不會原樣重演，但類似的事件往往會再度發生。」今天，我們發現自己處於與1973年非常相似的境地。過去18年艱苦戰鬥的代價，是犧牲了為未來的戰鬥做準備的時間。我們的戰略競爭對手，即俄羅斯和中國，已經利用了這一時期，也從多年來研究美國軍事行動中汲取教訓。為了對抗我們的傳統優勢，他們正在大力投資軍事現代化，同時擴大其在太空和網路的能力。雖然與北約聯盟的累積力量仍然無法比擬，但我們的一些相對優勢，已經減弱。

As we look out across the global security environment today, we see a landscape that continues to grow in complexity.  It is increasingly clear that Russia and China want to disrupt the international order by gaining a veto over other nations' economic, diplomatic, and security decisions.  And as was the case 45 years ago, we cannot stand idly by while authoritarian nations attempt to reshape the global security environment to their favor at the expense of others.  Doing so would invite continued aggression and diminish our ability to deter future conflicts.  As such, America's National Defense strategy makes it clear that great power competition is once again the primary concern of U.S. national security.

展望當今全球安全環境的過程中，我們看到了一個複雜程度不斷增長的格局。越來越清楚的是，俄羅斯和中國希望透過否決其他國家的經濟，外交和安全決定來破壞國際秩序。正如45年前的情況一樣，當威權主義國家試圖以犧牲他人為代價重塑全球安全環境時，我們不能袖手旁觀。這樣做會引起持續的侵略並削弱我們阻止未來衝突的能力。因此，美國的國防戰略清楚地表明：大國競爭再次成為美國國家安全的首要關注點。

The United States is facing this challenge head-on, but if we are to preserve the world all of us have created together through decades of shared sacrifice, we must all rise to the occasion.  It is imperative that freedom-loving nations recognize the threats to our security, and commit to doing their part to keep the world safe.

美國正面臨著這一挑戰，但如果我們要保護世界，我們所有人都是透過幾十年的共同犧牲、共同創造的，那麼我們就必須全力以赴。愛好自由的國家必須認識到對我們安全的威脅，並承諾盡其所能保護世界安全。

So, let's start by talking about Russia, since that's the greatest concern of most European nations.  Russia's invasion of Georgia in 2008, its annexation of Crimea in 2014, its continued aggression in Ukraine, and its efforts to serve as a spoiler to peace in Syria demonstrate Moscow's unwillingness to be a responsible international actor.  Even as far away as Venezuela, we see Russia making allegiances with discredited and failing regimes in an attempt to promote instability.  For many years, Russia violated the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty as it continued to build-up its inventory of strategic arms.  And right here in the United Kingdom, you know well of the lethal poisonings that occurred in 2006 and 2018.

以下，讓我們先談談俄羅斯，因為這是大多數歐洲國家最關心的問題。俄羅斯於2008年入侵格喬治亞，2014年吞併克里米亞，繼續侵略烏克蘭，並致力成為敘利亞和平的破壞者，這表明莫斯科不願成為負責任的國際角色。即使遠在委內瑞拉，我們也看到俄羅斯在聲名狼借和失敗的政權中，肆無忌憚地試圖促進不穩定。多年來，俄羅斯繼續建立其戰略武器，違反了〈中程核武器條約〉。而就在英國，你很清楚2006年和2018年發生的致命中毒事件。

While Russia lacks the capacity to compete with NATO in conventional terms on a broad regional scale, the threat of a Russian incursion against a neighboring state is one we take very seriously.  To put it simply, Russia’s foreign policy continues to disregard international norms.  This is why the United States, in consultation with our NATO Allies, is expanding our presence in Poland, and continuing our close collaboration with the Baltic States.  The NATO alliance remains vigilant and continues to adapt, to improve unit readiness, to build a more credible deterrence, and to fight and win if necessary.

雖然俄羅斯在廣泛的區域範圍內，缺乏以傳統方式與北約競爭的能力，但俄羅斯對鄰國的入侵威脅，是我們非常認真對待的。簡言之，俄羅斯的外交政策持續無視國際準則。這就是為什麼美國與我們的北約盟國協商，正在擴大我們在波蘭的駐存，並繼續與波羅的海國家密切合作。北約聯盟保持警惕並繼續適應，改善部隊準備，建立更可信的威懾，並在必要時進行戰鬥和取勝。

At the same time, we must contend with a rising China.  Decades of robust economic growth – enabled by market reforms – have provided Beijing the financial resources to expand its influence well beyond the shores of the mainland.  This alone is not a problem, however, what is concerning is how China is using this new-found economic power.

同時，我們必須應對崛起的中國。透過市場改革所促成的數十年強勁的經濟增長，提供北京財政資源，以擴大其影響力，遠遠超出大陸海岸。這一點不是問題，令人擔憂的是中國如何利用這一新發現的經濟實力。

Last month I traveled throughout the Indo-Pacific on my first trip as the United States Secretary of Defense and I saw first-hand how China's 'One Belt, One Road' initiative is manifesting itself throughout the region.  What are initially presented as reasonable investments by the PRC to build ports, facilities, and other infrastructure, end up coming with some significant strings attached.  The more dependent a country becomes on Chinese investment and trade, the more susceptible they are to coercion and retribution when they act outside of Beijing’s wishes.  The political and economic leverage China is gaining by carrying out this strategy has begun eroding the sovereignty of many nations.  Ultimately, this influence trickles down to the security arena, and leads countries to make sub-optimal defense decisions for fear of upsetting the Chinese Communist Party and being punished through economic measures or political backlash.

上個月，我作為美國國防部長，在我第一次到印度太平洋旅行中，第一次親眼目睹了中國「一帶一路」倡議如何在整個地區展現。中華人民共和國最初提出的建設港口，設施和其他基礎設施的合理投資，最終會帶來一些重要的附加條件。一個國家越依賴中國的投資和貿易，當他們在北京的意願之外採取行動時，他們就越容易受到脅迫和報復。中國以實施這一戰略而獲得的政治和經濟影響，已開始侵蝕許多國家的主權。最終，這種影響逐漸蔓延到安全領域，並導致各國做出次優的防禦決策，因為他們擔心會破壞中國共產黨並受到經濟措施或政治反彈的懲罰。

Additionally, China's technology theft for military gain is staggering.  Indeed, every Chinese company has the potential to be an accomplice in Beijing's state-sponsored theft of other nations' military and civilian technology.  Those companies also pose a risk to the secure and resilient telecommunications infrastructure on which our allies and partners depend for interoperability, intelligence sharing, and mobilization.  To quote China’s own cybersecurity law, private companies are required to ''provide technical support and assistance to public security organs and national security organs,'' whether they want to or not.  Governments and businesses around the world should be concerned by Chinese influence that opens them to costly deals, future coercion, loss of technical advantage, or other malicious activity.

此外，中國因技術盜竊使得軍事獲益的程度的令人震驚。實際上，每個中國公司都有可能成為北京國家所主導，竊取其他國家軍事和民用技術的幫兇。這些公司還對我們的盟友和合作夥伴所依賴的安全和彈性電信基礎設施構成風險，以實現互操作性，情報共享和動員。引用中國自己的網絡安全法，私營公司無論他們是否願意，都必須「向公安機關和國家安全機關提供技術支持和幫助」。世界各國政府和企業都應該關注中國的影響力，這些影響使他們開始進行代價高昂的交易，未來的脅迫，技術優勢的喪失或其他惡意活動。

I would caution my friends in Europe – this is not a problem in some distant land that does not affect you.  The PRC’s influence is expanding rapidly as it seeks to pursue new partners, or what have historically been known as Chinese tributes, well beyond Asia. But for anyone who wonders what a world dominated by Beijing might look like, I would argue all you need to do is look at how they treat their own people, within their borders.  Over a million ethnic minority Uighurs are in re-education camps in Xinjiang Province. Basic civil liberties such as freedom of speech and freedom of the press are routinely denied. And we all see what's happening to those who continue to speak out against the party's influence in Hong Kong.  I was there for the handover in 1997 when the ''one country, two systems'' designation was affirmed – I would ask you: given what we see in Hong Kong today, has China kept those promises?

我會告誡我在歐洲的朋友 - 這並非遙遠的土地上，不會影響你的問題。中國的影響正在迅速擴大，因為它尋求尋求新的合作夥伴，或者歷史上被稱為中國的貢品，遠遠超出亞洲範圍。但是對於那些想知道北京主宰世界的人來說，我認為你需要做的就是看看他們如何在自己的境內對待自己的人民。維吾爾族有一百多萬人在新疆省的再教育營地。基本的公民自由，例如言論自由和新聞自由，經常被剝奪。我們都看到那些繼續反對黨在香港的影響力的人正在發生的事情。1997年回歸，當「一國兩制」的稱號得到肯定時，我在那裡- 我會問你：鑑於我們今天在香港所看到的，中國是否遵守了這些承諾？

The United States National Defense Strategy accounts for the realities of today’s environment, with a particular focus on this new era of great power competition. This is not because we are naïve about other threats or seek to rekindle another Cold War.  Rather, we are aligned in this focus because of the magnitude of the threats Russia and China pose to U.S. national security and prosperity today, and the potential for those threats to increase in the future.

美國國防戰略解釋了當今環境的現實，特別關注這個「大國競爭的新時代」。這不是因為我們對其他威脅天真，或者試圖重燃另一場冷戰。相反，由於俄羅斯和中國對當今美國國家安全和繁榮的威脅程度，以及未來這些威脅增加的可能性，我們在此保持一致性關切。

Deterring potential aggression in the first place, prior to the onset of conflict, is paramount to our Strategy.  This is why we are working with our allies and partners to improve our capabilities, capacity, and defense posture throughout our priority regions.  With regard to NATO, our top priorities are burden sharing and unit readiness.  While we have made great improvements in recent years, we still have a number of allies not meeting the two-percent defense commitment as agreed to under the 2014 Wales Declaration.  President Trump has been very clear – and I will continue to push my counterparts – that all NATO members must live up to this obligation.  The strength of our collective response requires that all alliance members be ready to do their part when called.  Building this readiness demands greater investments so that NATO forces remain the most highly trained and best-equipped in the world.

戰略上最重要的是，在衝突開始之前，要制止潛在的侵略。這就是為什麼我們正在與我們的盟友和合作夥伴合作，以提高我們在整個優先區域的能力，能力和防禦態勢。關於北約，我們的首要任務是分擔負擔和單位準備。雖然近年來我們取得了很大的進步，但我們仍有許多盟友沒有達到2014年〈威爾士宣言〉所承諾的2％防禦承諾。川普總統非常明確 - 我將繼續推動我的同行 - 所有北約成員國都必須履行這一義務。我們集體反應的力量要求所有聯盟成員在被召喚時做好準備。建立這種準備就緒需要更多的投資，以便北約部隊仍然是世界上訓練有素，裝備最好的部隊。

I want to thank the United Kingdom in particular for your continued strong investments in defense. You are one of the 8 out of 29 NATO members who are meeting this target. Aside from the United States, the U.K. has the largest defense budget within NATO. I would encourage the U.K., regardless of the outcome of Brexit, to maintain this level of defense spending, and to continue demonstrating your commitment to security and the rule of law around the world. I look forward to meeting with my defense counterpart, Secretary Ben Wallace, later today as we talk about ways to continue strengthening the alliance in light of the threats I have spoken about this morning.

我要特別感謝英國對你在國防方面的持續強力投資。您是達到此目標的29個北約成員中的8個成員之一。除了美國，英國擁有北約最大的國防預算。無論英國脫歐的結果如何，我都會鼓勵英國保持這種國防開支水平，並繼續展示你對全球安全和法治的承諾。我期待今天晚些時候會見我的國防部長Ben Wallace，因為我們談到瞭如何根據我今天早上所說的威脅繼續加強聯盟。

In closing – during that same speech from 1946 where Churchill warned us of the ''Iron Curtain'' that had descended across the continent, he also spoke of the ''special relationship'' that bonded our two nations – one that would serve to prevent war and to preserve the newly created international order.  That ''special relationship'' remains just as vital today as it was when Churchill first coined the phrase. If we are to preserve the peace and order that our nations sacrificed so much for in the past, we must remain vigilant, committed, and prepared to respond to aggression where it threatens our interests. I am confident that we will continue to work closely together to maintain the freedoms we worked so hard to achieve.

最後 - 在1946年同一次講話中，邱吉爾向我們做了關於整個大陸降下「鐵幕」的演講，他還談到了保護我們兩國的「特殊關係」 - 一個將用於防止戰爭並保護新創建的國際秩序。在今天，這種「特殊關係」仍然像邱吉爾第一次創造這個短語一樣重要。如果我們要維護我們各國過去犧牲的和平與秩序，我們就必須保持警惕，堅定並準備好在威脅我們利益的侵略時作出反應。我相信，我們將繼續密切合作，以維持我們努力實現的自由。

I appreciate your time this morning and I look forward to your questions.

Thank you.