【Comment】
The information of “China is expected to increase its nuclear weapons
stockpile by twofold in the coming decade” is terrifying. China’s weapons stockpile will be 580 and
more from 290 today, comparing to 1550 of the U.S. and Russia respectively. Most of them are tactical nuclear weapons,
not objects of any international treaties.
The U.S. President Trump’s calling for a New Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty for both Russia and China and was quickly rejected by Beijing was verification
of the intention of China.
After the denial, the U.S. released the news.
The U.S.
Expects China Will Quickly Double Its Nuclear Stockpile W.J.
Hennigan and John Walcott @TIME 20190530
China is expected to increase its nuclear weapons
stockpile by twofold in the coming decade,
according to a new U.S. military intelligence assessment, part of a sweeping
build-up of Beijing’s strategic arsenal.
“Over the next
decade, China is likely to at least double the size
of its nuclear stockpile in the course of implementing the most rapid expansion
and diversification of its nuclear arsenal in China’s history,” Lt. Gen. Robert Ashley, the director of the U.S. Defense
Intelligence Agency said during a speech on Wednesday.
Speaking at the Hudson Institute in Washington, Ashley also accused both China and Russia of covertly testing low-yield
nuclear weapons in violation of a 23-year old international treaty. The allegation came less than three months
before the expected end of the 1987 Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces agreement
with Russia; and two years from the expiration of the landmark New Strategic
Arms Reduction Treaty, or New START.
In response to the slow erosion of agreements, President Donald Trump has
declared his desire to reach a post-Cold War détente with both China and Russia
under an all-encompassing arms treaty. Yet that petition has been met by disinterest in Beijing
and indifference in Moscow.
The grand bargain approach, critics say, is too time-consuming and
unlikely to garner results within the remaining 19 months in Trump’s term. More likely, they say, it’s a stalling tactic
for national security hawks in the Administration, such as Secretary of State
Mike Pompeo and National Security Adviser John Bolton, who are known to be
hostile toward international agreements.
“Pursuit of
broader nuclear arms control deal with Russia and China is a worthwhile
objective — but not at the expense of, or as a condition for, the extension of
New START,” said Kingston Reif, director for disarmament and threat reduction
policy at the Arms Control Association, a think tank. “So far the Trump
Administration does not appear to have a plan or the capacity to negotiate a
more far-reaching deal, which would likely take years. Which suggests that the real goal of this
gambit is to run out the clock on New START.”
If New START sunsets, it will be the first time in
the effort to limit the strategic stockpiles in the U.S. and Russia since 1972. The linchpin agreement limits
each side to 1,550 deployed nuclear warheads and 700 deployed heavy bombers and
ballistic missiles. It also includes a
thorough monitoring and verification regime to help ensure compliance.
Tim Morrison, a senior director at the National Security Council, said
New START’s expiration is more than a year away, which presents the
Administration with more than enough time to try to secure that agreement.
Trump has aspirations beyond a bilateral deal, he said.
“What we need to
focus on is the comprehensive nuclear threat,” Morrison said at the Hudson
Institute, after Ashley’s speech. “The
higher priority is the totality of the Russian and Chinese programs, because we
have so much time left on the clock for New START.”
Russia and the U.S. are capped at 1,550 deployed
nuclear warheads until Feb. 5, 2021, when New START expires. After that, there will be no
limits. China,
however, only has an arsenal of an estimated 290 strategic weapons. So even if Beijing doubles its stockpile, as
U.S. intelligence assesses, it will represent a fraction of those belonging to
Washington and Moscow.
What has drawn U.S. officials’ attention is China’s arsenal of hundreds
of smaller nuclear warheads, known as tactical nuclear weapons. These weapons are
designed for use on the battlefield as opposed to strategic weapons,
which are designed to destroy cities and
hardened military targets. Numbers of those weapons are not capped under
international treaty.
The Chinese military, headlong into a complete modernization of its
forces, is nearly ready to field a so-called
nuclear “triad” capable launching an attack from land, air, and sea — a
capability Russia and the U.S. have had for decades. The Trump team points to this nuclear expansion
as proof of China’s emergence on the world stage as a great power and why it
must be included in future arms control conversations.
Analysts say China is more preoccupied with
establishing regional preeminence in the Pacific. “It’s true that China has steadily expanded
its nuclear forces,” said Hans Kristensen, a nuclear weapons expert at the
Federation of American Scientists. “But their main goal is to deter regional powers, such as
India and Russia.”
Meanwhile, Russia has about 2,000 tactical
nukes in its arsenal. These
include air-to-surface missiles, short-range ballistic missiles, air-dropped
bombs, depth charges and torpedoes for surface ships and submarines, according
to U.S. military assessments.
“We assess its
overall nuclear stockpile is likely to grow significantly over the next
decade,” Ashley said on Wednesday. “Russia’s stockpile of non-strategic nuclear
weapons — already large and diverse — is being modernized with an eye towards
greater accuracy, longer ranges, and lower yields to suit their potential
warfighting role.”
The U.S. assesses that Russia has dozens of these systems already
deployed or in development. One of the
weapons, the Novator 9M729, was in violation
of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, which led to its
probable dissolution. First signed by
President Ronald Reagan and Soviet Union leader Mikhail Gorbachev in December
1987, the INF treaty eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons. It forced the superpowers to scrap more than
2,600 land-based missiles with ranges 310 to 3,420 miles — weapons considered
destabilizing to the European continent because of their capability to launch a
nuclear strike from anywhere without early warning.
Many U.S. military officials have viewed the United
States’ adherence to the INF as a disadvantage with China, considering the country is not currently party to the INF. Beijing has more
than 1,000 land-based missiles within INF range that could threaten U.S.
and allies’ bases in the western Pacific and warships.
Ashley provided no proof for his claims that Russia and China likely violated the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty, which bans test explosions of nuclear weapons, known as a “zero-yield
standard.” Nor did he indicate what
further actions might be taken as a result of the violation.
A senior U.S. intelligence official said after Ashley’s speech that there
is no consensus in the intelligence community that Russia has conducted a
low-yield test, only that it is assembling the facilities that would be
necessary to do so. The official said the Defense Intelligence Agency
generally takes the “worst case” position on military matters, as it did
on the question of whether Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.
However, said a second intelligence official, also speaking on the
condition of anonymity because the remarks were not cleared for public release,
the preparations for a possible test — which would be difficult to detect
conclusively at a very low yield — fits a pattern of Russian arms treaty
violations that began with the 2017 installation of medium-range cruise
missiles in violation of the INF Treaty.
“There is
concern in some quarters that Russia may be testing how the Administration
responds to low-level treaty violations, especially given that it has abandoned
a number of international agreements like the TPP, NAFTA and the Paris
(climate) accord,” the official said.
The U.S. hasn’t tested a nuke since 1992, when then
President George H.W. Bush declared a self-imposed testing moratorium. Four
years later, the U.S. became the first of 184 nations to sign the Comprehensive
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. However, Congress never ratified it.
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