川普國家安全戰略的原則與優先次序 Taimocracy翻譯 20251208

IV. The Strategy 戰略

1. Principles 原則

President Trump’s foreign policy is pragmatic without being “pragmatist,” realistic without being “realist,” principled without being “idealistic,” muscular without being “hawkish,” and restrained without being “dovish.” It is not grounded in traditional, political ideology. It is motivated above all by what works for America—or, in two words, “America First.” 川普總統的外交政策是務實的，但並非「實用主義」；是現實的，但並非「現實主義」；是有原則的，但並非「理想主義」；是強硬的，但並非「鷹派」；是克制的，但並非「鴿派」。它並非建立在傳統的政治意識形態之上，而是以對美國有用的事物為最高動機——用兩個字來概括，就是「美國優先」。

President Trump has cemented his legacy as The President of Peace. In addition to the remarkable success achieved during his first term with the historic Abraham Accords, President Trump has leveraged his dealmaking ability to secure unprecedented peace in eight conflicts throughout the world over the course of just eight months of his second term. He negotiated peace between Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the DRC and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Israel and Iran, Egypt and Ethiopia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and ended the war in Gaza with all living hostages returned to their families. 川普總統已經奠定了他作為「和平總統」的歷史定位。除了在第一任期中成功推動歷史性的《亞伯拉罕協議》之外，川普總統更在第二任期的短短八個月內，憑藉其談判能力，在全球八場衝突中促成前所未有的和平。他分別促成了柬埔寨與泰國、科索沃與塞爾維亞、剛果民主共和國與盧安達、巴基斯坦與印度、以色列與伊朗、埃及與衣索比亞、亞美尼亞與亞塞拜然的和平，並結束了加薩戰爭，使所有在世人質得以回到家人身邊。

Stopping regional conflicts before they spiral into global wars that drag down whole continents is worthy of the Commander-in-Chief’s attention, and a priority for this administration. A world on fire, where wars come to our shores, is bad for American interests. President Trump uses unconventional diplomacy, America’s military might, and economic leverage to surgically extinguish embers of division between nuclear-capable nations and violent wars caused by centuries-long hatred. President Trump has proven that American foreign, defense, and intelligence policies must be driven by the following basic principles:

President Trump has proven that American foreign, defense, and intelligence policies must be driven by the following basic principles: 在區域衝突尚未演變成拖累整個大陸的全球戰爭之前加以阻止，是三軍統帥應予以重視的事項，也是本屆政府的優先目標。一個戰火蔓延至美國本土的世界，對美國利益極為不利。川普總統運用非傳統外交手段、美國的軍事力量，以及經濟槓桿，精準地撲滅核武國家之間的分歧火苗，以及因數百年仇恨所引發的暴力戰爭。川普總統已經證明，美國的外交、國防與情報政策必須遵循以下基本原則：

• Focused Definition of the National Interest – Since at least the end of the Cold War, administrations have often published National Security Strategies that seek to expand the definition of America’s “national interest” such that that almost no issue or endeavor is considered outside its scope. But to focus on everything is to focus on nothing. America’s core national security interests shall be our focus.   聚焦定義國家利益 —— 自冷戰結束以來，歷屆政府常常發布《國家安全戰略》，試圖擴大美國「國家利益」的定義，以致幾乎沒有任何議題或事務被排除在外。然而，凡事皆為焦點，便無焦點可言。美國的核心國家安全利益必須成為我們的重點。

• Peace Through Strength – Strength is the best deterrent. Countries or other actors sufficiently deterred from threatening American interests will not do 9 so. In addition, strength can enable us to achieve peace, because parties that respect our strength often seek our help and are receptive to our efforts to resolve conflicts and maintain peace. Therefore, the United States must maintain the strongest economy, develop the most advanced technologies, bolster our society’s cultural health, and field the world’s most capable military.   以實力換取和平 —— 實力是最好的嚇阻。凡是被充分嚇阻而不敢威脅美國利益的國家或行為者，便不會採取行動。此外，實力也能使我們達成和平，因為尊重我們實力的各方往往會尋求我們的協助，並願意接受我們的努力來解決衝突、維持和平。因此，美國必須維持最強大的經濟，發展最先進的科技，鞏固社會的文化健康，並擁有世界上最強大的軍隊。

• Predisposition to Non-Interventionism – In the Declaration of Independence, America’s founders laid down a clear preference for noninterventionism in the affairs of other nations and made clear the basis: just as all human beings possess God-given equal natural rights, all nations are entitled by “the laws of nature and nature’s God” to a “separate and equal station” with respect to one another. For a country whose interests are as numerous and diverse as ours, rigid adherence to non-interventionism is not possible. Yet this predisposition should set a high bar for what constitutes a justified intervention.   傾向不干涉主義 —— 在《獨立宣言》中，美國的建國先賢明確表達了對不干涉他國事務的偏好，並闡明其基礎：正如所有人類都擁有上帝賦予的平等自然權利，所有國家依據「自然法則與上帝之法」也享有彼此「獨立且平等的地位」。對於一個利益繁多且多元的國家而言，僵硬地遵循不干涉主義並不可行。然而，這種傾向應當設立一個高門檻，以界定何種情況才算是正當的干預。

• Flexible Realism – U.S. policy will be realistic about what is possible and desirable to seek in its dealings with other nations. We seek good relations and peaceful commercial relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or other social change that differs widely from their traditions and histories. We recognize and affirm that there is nothing inconsistent or hypocritical in acting according to such a realistic assessment or in maintaining good relations with countries whose governing systems and societies differ from ours even as we push like-minded friends to uphold our shared norms, furthering our interests as we do so.   靈活的現實主義 —— 美國的政策將以現實為基礎，務實地看待在與其他國家交往中，哪些目標是可能且值得追求的。我們尋求與世界各國建立良好關係與和平的商業往來，而不會強加民主或其他與其傳統與歷史大相徑庭的社會變革。我們認識並確認，依據這樣的現實評估行事，或與治理制度與社會與我們不同的國家保持良好關係，並不矛盾或虛偽。同時，我們也會推動志同道合的朋友維護共同的規範，並在此過程中促進美國利益。

• Primacy of Nations – The world’s fundamental political unit is and will remain the nation-state. It is natural and just that all nations put their interests first and guard their sovereignty. The world works best when nations prioritize their interests. The United States will put our own interests first and, in our relations with other nations, encourage them to prioritize their own interests as well. We stand for the sovereign rights of nations, against the sovereignty-sapping incursions of the most intrusive transnational organizations, and for reforming those institutions so that they assist rather than hinder individual sovereignty and further American interests.   國家至上 —— 世界的基本政治單位是、也將繼續是民族國家。所有國家將自身利益置於首位並捍衛其主權，這是自然且正義的。當各國優先考量自身利益時，世界運作得最好。美國將把自身利益放在首位，並在與其他國家的交往中，鼓勵他們也優先考量自身利益。我們支持各國的主權權利，反對最具侵入性的跨國組織對主權的侵蝕，並致力於改革這些機構，使其能夠協助而非阻礙個別國家的主權，同時促進美國利益。

• Sovereignty and Respect – The United States will unapologetically protect our own sovereignty. This includes preventing its erosion by transnational and international organizations, attempts by foreign powers or entities to censor our discourse or curtail our citizens’ free speech rights, lobbying and influence operations that seek to steer our policies or involve us in foreign conflicts, and the cynical manipulation of our immigration system to build up voting blocs loyal to foreign interests within our country. The United States will chart our own course in the world and determine our own destiny, free of outside interference.   主權與尊重 —— 美國將毫不妥協地捍衛自身的主權。這包括防止其受到跨國與國際組織的侵蝕，防止外國勢力或實體企圖審查我們的言論、限制我國公民的言論自由權利，防止透過遊說與影響操作來操縱我國政策或將我們捲入外國衝突，以及防止玩弄我國的移民制度，以建立效忠外國利益的投票群體。美國將在世界上規劃自己的道路，決定自己的命運，不受外部干涉。

• Balance of Power – The United States cannot allow any nation to become so dominant that it could threaten our interests. We will work with allies and partners to maintain global and regional balances of power to prevent the emergence of dominant adversaries. As the United States rejects the ill-fated concept of global domination for itself, we must prevent the global, and in some cases even regional, domination of others. This does not mean wasting blood and treasure to curtail the influence of all the world’s great and middle powers. The outsized influence of larger, richer, and stronger nations is a timeless truth of international relations. This reality sometimes entails working with partners to thwart ambitions that threaten our joint interests.   權力平衡 —— 美國不能允許任何國家變得強大到能威脅到我們的利益。我們將與盟友與夥伴合作，維持全球與區域的權力平衡，以防止出現主導性的對手。美國拒絕自身追求全球霸權這一注定失敗的概念，但我們必須防止其他國家在全球，甚至在某些情況下於區域，建立霸權。這並不意味著要浪費鮮血與財富去削弱世界所有大國與中等強國的影響力。較大、較富、較強的國家擁有超乎比例的影響力，是國際關係的永恆事實。這一現實有時意味著必須與夥伴合作，以挫敗那些威脅我們利益連結的野心。

• Pro-American Worker – American policy will be pro-worker, not merely pro-growth, and it will prioritize our own workers. We must rebuild an economy in which prosperity is broadly based and widely shared, not concentrated at the top or localized in certain industries or a few parts of our country.   對美國工人有利 —— 美國的政策將以工人為本，而不僅僅是追求經濟成長，並且會優先考量我們自己的工人。我們必須重建一個繁榮廣泛分布、普遍共享的經濟，而不是集中在頂層、特定產業或國內少數地區。

• Fairness – From military alliances to trade relations and beyond, the United States will insist on being treated fairly by other countries. We will no longer tolerate, and can no longer afford, free-riding, trade imbalances, predatory economic practices, and other impositions on our nation’s historic goodwill that disadvantage our interests. As we want our allies to be rich and capable, so must our allies see that it is in their interest that the United States also remain rich and capable. In particular, we expect our allies to spend far more of their national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on their own defense, to start to make up for the enormous imbalances accrued over decades of much greater spending by the United States.Competence and Merit – American prosperity and security depend on the development and promotion of competence.   公平性 —— 從軍事同盟到貿易關係乃至其他領域，美國將堅持要求其他國家公平對待我們。我們不再容忍、也無法再承受搭便車、貿易失衡、掠奪性的經濟行為，以及其他利用我國歷史性善意而損害我國利益的做法。正如我們希望盟友富裕且有能力一樣，盟友也必須認識到，讓美國保持富裕與強大符合他們的利益。特別是，我們期望盟友在自身防務上投入更多的國內生產總值（GDP），以彌補數十年來美國在防務支出上遠遠超過他們所造成的巨大失衡。

• Competence and merit are among our greatest civilizational advantages —— where the best Americans are hired, promoted, and honored, innovation and prosperity follow. Should competence be destroyed or systematically discouraged, complex systems that we take for granted—from infrastructure to national security to education and research—will cease to function. Should merit be smothered, America’s historic advantages in science, technology, industry, defense, and innovation will evaporate. The success of radical ideologies that seek to replace competence and merit with favored group status would render America unrecognizable and unable to defend itself. At the same time, we cannot allow meritocracy to be used as a justification to open America’s labor market to the world in the name of finding “global talent” that undercuts American workers. In our every principle and action, America and Americans must always come first.   能力與功績 —— 能力與功績是我們最重要的文明優勢之一：當最優秀的美國人能夠被聘用、晉升並受到尊崇，創新與繁榮便隨之而來。若能力遭到摧毀或被系統性地打壓，我們所視為理所當然的複雜系統——從基礎建設到國家安全，再到教育與研究——都將無法運作。若功績被扼殺，美國在科學、科技、工業、國防與創新的歷史性優勢將會消失。那些企圖以特定群體地位取代能力與功績的激進意識形態若得逞，美國將變得面目全非，甚至喪失自我防衛的能力。同時，我們不能允許「功績至上」被濫用，成為打開美國勞動市場、以「全球人才」之名削弱美國工人的藉口。在我們的每一項原則與行動中，美國與美國人民必須永遠放在首位。

 

2. Priorities 優先順序

• The Era of Mass Migration Is Over – Who a country admits into its borders—in what numbers and from where—will inevitably define the future of that nation. Any country that considers itself sovereign has the right and duty to define its future. Throughout history, sovereign nations prohibited uncontrolled migration and granted citizenship only rarely to foreigners, who also had to meet demanding criteria. The West’s experience over the past decades vindicates this enduring wisdom. In countries throughout the world, mass migration has strained domestic resources, increased violence and other crime, weakened social cohesion, distorted labor markets, and undermined national security. The era of mass migration must end. Border security is the primary element of national security. We must protect our country from invasion, not just from unchecked migration but from cross-border threats such as terrorism, drugs, espionage, and human trafficking. A border controlled by the will of the American people as implemented by their government is fundamental to the survival of the United States as a sovereign republic.   大規模移民時代已經結束 —— 一個國家允許誰進入其邊境——人數多少、來源何處——必然決定該國的未來。任何自認為主權獨立的國家，都有權利與義務去界定自己的未來。歷史上，主權國家禁止不受控制的移民，並且僅在極少數情況下向外國人授予公民身份，而且必須符合嚴格的標準。西方過去數十年的經驗驗證了這項持久的智慧。在世界各地，大規模移民已經使國內資源承受壓力，增加了暴力與其他犯罪，削弱了社會凝聚力，扭曲了勞動市場，並且破壞了國家安全。大規模移民的時代必須結束。邊境安全是國家安全的核心要素。我們必須保護國家免受入侵，不僅是防止不受控制的移民，也要防止跨境威脅，例如恐怖主義、毒品、間諜活動與人口販運。由美國人民意志所掌控並由其政府執行的邊境，是美國作為一個主權共和國得以生存的根本。

• Protection of Core Rights and Liberties – The purpose of the American government is to secure the God-given natural rights of American citizens. To this end, departments and agencies of the United States Government have been granted fearsome powers. Those powers must never be abused, whether under the guise of “deradicalization,” “protecting our democracy,” or any other pretext. When and where those powers are abused, abusers must be held accountable. In particular, the rights of free speech, freedom of religion and of conscience, and the right to choose and steer our common government are core rights that must never be infringed. Regarding countries that share, or say they share, these principles, the United States will advocate strongly that they be upheld in letter and spirit. We will oppose elite-driven, anti-democratic restrictions on core liberties in Europe, the Anglosphere, and the rest of the democratic world, especially among our allies.   核心權利與自由的保護 —— 美國政府的目的在於保障美國公民上帝所賦予的自然權利。為此，美國政府的各部門與機構被授予強大的權力。然而，這些權力絕不可被濫用，無論是以「去激進化」、「保護我們的民主」或任何其他藉口為名。一旦這些權力遭到濫用，濫用者必須被追究責任。特別是言論自由、宗教與良心自由，以及選擇並引導我們共同政府的權利，都是絕不可侵犯的核心權利。

對於那些共享或聲稱共享這些原則的國家，美國將強力主張這些原則必須在字面與精神上得到維護。我們將反對由精英主導的、反民主的限制措施，這些措施侵犯了歐洲、英語世界以及其他民主國家——尤其是我們盟友——的核心自由。

• Burden-Sharing and Burden-Shifting – The days of the United States propping up the entire world order like Atlas are over. We count among our many allies and partners dozens of wealthy, sophisticated nations that must assume primary responsibility for their regions and contribute far more to our collective defense. President Trump has set a new global standard with the Hague Commitment, which pledges NATO countries to spend 5 percent of GDP on defense and which our NATO allies have endorsed and must now meet. Continuing President Trump’s approach of asking allies to assume primary responsibility for their regions, the United States will organize a burden-sharing network, with our government as convener and supporter. This approach ensures that burdens are shared and that all such efforts benefit from broader legitimacy. The model will be targeted partnerships that use economic tools to align incentives, share burdens with like-minded allies, and insist on reforms that anchor long-term stability. This strategic clarity will allow the United States to counter hostile and subversive influences efficiently while avoiding the overextension and diffuse focus that undermined past efforts. The United States will stand ready to help— potentially through more favorable treatment on commercial matters, technology sharing, and defense procurement—those counties that willingly take more responsibility for security in their neighborhoods and align their export controls with ours.   責任分擔與責任轉移 —— 美國如同「阿特拉斯」般獨自支撐整個世界秩序的日子已經結束。我們的盟友與夥伴中有數十個富裕且成熟的國家，必須承擔其所在區域的主要責任，並在集體防禦上做出更多貢獻。川普總統透過《海牙承諾》建立了新的全球標準，要求北約國家將國防支出提升至國內生產總值（GDP）的 5%，而北約盟國已經承諾並必須履行。延續川普總統要求盟友承擔其區域主要責任的方針，美國將組織一個責任分擔網路，由我們的政府作為召集者與支持者。這種方式確保責任能夠被分擔，並使所有努力獲得更廣泛的正當性。此模式將以有針對性的夥伴關係為基礎，運用經濟工具來調整激勵機制，與志同道合的盟友分擔責任，並堅持推動改革以奠定長期穩定。這種戰略上的清晰將使美國能夠更有效地對抗敵對與顛覆性影響，同時避免過度擴張與分散焦點，這些問題曾削弱過去的努力。美國將隨時準備提供協助——可能透過在商業事務上的更優惠待遇、技術共享以及國防採購——給予那些願意在自身區域承擔更多安全責任並將出口管制與我們保持一致的國家。

• Realignment Through Peace – Seeking peace deals at the President’s direction, even in regions and countries peripheral to our immediate core interests, is an effective way to increase stability, strengthen America’s global influence, realign countries and regions toward our interests, and open new markets. The resources required boil down to presidential diplomacy, which our great nation can embrace only with competent leadership. The dividends—an end to longstanding conflicts, lives saved, new friends made—can vastly outweigh the relatively minor costs of time and attention.   透過和平進行重整 —— 在總統的指導下追求和平協議，即使是在與我們核心利益僅有邊緣關係的地區與國家，也是提升穩定性、強化美國全球影響力、使國家與地區重新與我方利益對齊、並開拓新市場的有效途徑。所需資源主要在於總統的外交手腕，而這只有在具備稱職領導的情況下，我們偉大的國家才能真正施展。其成果——結束長期衝突、拯救生命、結交新朋友——遠遠超過所投入相對微小的時間與精力成本。

• Economic Security – Finally, because economic security is fundamental to national security, we will work to further strengthen the American economy, with emphases on:   經濟安全 —— 最後，因為經濟安全是國家安全的基礎，我們將致力於進一步強化美國經濟，重點包括：

o Balanced Trade – The United States will prioritize rebalancing our trade relations, reducing trade deficits, opposing barriers to our exports, and ending dumping and other anti-competitive practices that hurt American industries and workers. We seek fair, reciprocal trade deals with nations that want to trade with us on a basis of mutual benefit and respect. But our priorities must and will be our own workers, our own industries, and our own national security.   貿易平衡 —— 美國將優先重整我們的貿易關係，減少貿易逆差，反對對我國出口設置的障礙，並終止傾銷與其他損害美國產業與工人的不公平競爭行為。我們尋求公平、互惠的貿易協定，與那些願意在互利與尊重基礎上與我們進行貿易的國家合作。但我們的首要任務必須、也將永遠是我們自己的工人、我們自己的產業，以及我們的國家安全。

o Securing Access to Critical Supply Chains and Materials – As Alexander Hamilton argued in our republic’s earliest days, the United States must never be dependent on any outside power for core components—from raw materials to parts to finished products— necessary to the nation’s defense or economy. We must re-secure our own independent and reliable access to the goods we need to defend ourselves and preserve our way of life. This will require expanding American access to critical minerals and materials while countering predatory economic practices. Moreover, the Intelligence Community will monitor key supply chains and technological advances around the world to ensure we understand and mitigate vulnerabilities and threats to American security and prosperity.   確保取得關鍵供應鏈與材料 —— 正如亞歷山大·漢彌爾頓在我國建國初期所主張的，美國絕不能在國防或經濟所需的核心組件——從原材料到零件再到成品——上依賴任何外部勢力。我們必須重新確保獨立且可靠的供應，以取得維護自身防衛與生活方式所需的物資。這將需要擴大美國對關鍵礦物與材料的取得，同時反制掠奪性的經濟行為。此外，美國情報界將持續監控全球重要供應鏈與技術進展，以確保我們能理解並減輕對美國安全與繁榮的脆弱性與威脅。

o Reindustrialization – The future belongs to makers. The United States will reindustrialize its economy, “re-shore” industrial production, and encourage and attract investment in our economy and our workforce, with a focus on the critical and emerging technology 14 sectors that will define the future. We will do so through the strategic use of tariffs and new technologies that favor widespread industrial production in every corner of our nation, raise living standards for American workers, and ensure that our country is never again reliant on any adversary, present or potential, for critical products or components.   再工業化 —— 未來屬於製造者。美國將重新工業化其經濟，將工業生產「回流」本土，並鼓勵與吸引投資於我國經濟與勞動力，重點放在14項將決定未來的關鍵與新興科技領域。我們將透過戰略性使用關稅與新技術，推動全國各地廣泛的工業生產，提高美國工人的生活水準，並確保我國永遠不再依賴任何現有或潛在的對手來取得關鍵產品或零組件。

o Reviving our Defense Industrial Base – A strong, capable military cannot exist without a strong, capable defense industrial base. The huge gap, demonstrated in recent conflicts, between low-cost drones and missiles versus the expensive systems required to defend against them has laid bare our need to change and adapt. America requires a national mobilization to innovate powerful defenses at low cost, to produce the most capable and modern systems and munitions at scale, and to re-shore our defense industrial supply chains. In particular, we must provide our warfighters with the full range of capabilities, ranging from low-cost weapons that can defeat most adversaries up to the most capable high-end systems necessary for a conflict with a sophisticated enemy. And to realize President Trump’s vision of peace through strength, we must do so quickly. We will also encourage the revitalization of the industrial bases of all our allies and partners to strengthen collective defense.   重振國防工業基礎 —— 一支強大且有能力的軍隊，必須建立在強大且有能力的國防工業基礎之上。近期衝突所揭示的巨大差距——低成本無人機與飛彈相較於昂貴的防禦系統——凸顯了我們必須改變與適應的需求。美國需要一場全國動員，以低成本創新強大的防禦能力，並能大規模生產最先進、最具能力的系統與彈藥，將國防工業供應鏈重新回流本土。特別是，我們必須為戰士提供全方位的能力，從能擊敗大多數敵人的低成本武器，到應對複雜敵人所需的最強高端系統。為了實現川普總統「以實力換取和平」的願景，我們必須迅速行動。我們也將鼓勵所有盟友與夥伴重振其工業基礎，以強化集體防禦。

o Energy Dominance – Restoring American energy dominance (in oil, gas, coal, and nuclear) and reshoring the necessary key energy components is a top strategic priority. Cheap and abundant energy will produce well-paying jobs in the United States, reduce costs for American consumers and businesses, fuel reindustrialization, and help maintain our advantage in cutting-edge technologies such as AI. Expanding our net energy exports will also deepen relationships with allies while curtailing the influence of adversaries, protect our ability to defend our shores, and—when and where necessary—enables us to project power. We reject the disastrous “climate change” and “Net Zero” ideologies that have so greatly harmed Europe, threaten the United States, and subsidize our adversaries.   能源主導地位 —— 恢復美國在石油、天然氣、煤炭與核能方面的能源主導地位，並將必要的關鍵能源組件重新回流本土，是首要的戰略優先事項。廉價且充足的能源將在美國創造高薪工作，降低美國消費者與企業的成本，推動再工業化，並有助於維持我們在人工智慧等尖端科技上的優勢。擴大淨能源出口也將深化與盟友的關係，同時削弱對手的影響力，保護我們防衛國土的能力，並在必要時使我們能夠展現力量。我們拒絕災難性的「氣候變遷」與「淨零排放」意識形態，因為它們已嚴重傷害歐洲、威脅美國，並補貼了我們的對手。

 

o Preserving and Growing America’s Financial Sector Dominance – The United States boasts the world’s leading financial and capital 15 markets, which are pillars of American influence that afford policymakers significant leverage and tools to advance America’s national security priorities. But our leadership position cannot be taken for granted. Preserving and growing our dominance entails leveraging our dynamic free market system and our leadership in digital finance and innovation to ensure that our markets continue to be the most dynamic, liquid, and secure and remain the envy of the world.   維護並擴展美國金融業的主導地位 —— 美國擁有全球領先的金融與資本市場，這些市場是美國影響力的支柱，為決策者提供了重要的槓桿與工具，以推進美國的國家安全優先事項。但我們的領導地位不可掉以輕心。維護並擴展這一主導地位，需要善用我們充滿活力的自由市場制度，以及我們在數位金融與創新方面的領導地位，以確保我們的市場持續保持最具活力、流動性與安全，並繼續成為世界所羨慕的對象。