My Plan to Preserve Peace in the Taiwan Strait 我保衛台海和平的計畫 賴清德＠WSJ 20230704

【雙魚之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯
The DPP Presidential candidate Lai Ching-te wrote an article in The Wall Street Journal outlining his policy on China, which is built upon four key pillars.
These pillars, similar to those of Western allies, emphasize a commitment to democracy and the de-risking, seeking to avoid confrontation whenever possible. Lai also advocates for proactive preparedness through the use of asymmetric capabilities, with the aim of increasing the costs associated with Beijing's potential military actions, ultimately preventing an actual war.
However, Lai's argument falls short, a common trait among Taiwanese politicians, possibly due to space constraints. His proposal lacks the necessary elaboration to substantiate his conclusions. If he were to provide additional reasoning and establish a stronger logical framework using "because" and "therefore" statements, his argument would be significantly improved.

總統候選人賴清德投書〈華爾街日報〉闡述他的對中政策—四個支柱。
支柱的基調是和西方陣營類似：堅持民主與去風險化，假使不是對峙，並積極備戰以「不對稱戰力」提高北京的動武成本，避免戰爭真的發生。
比較可惜的是，和一向的台灣政治人物一樣，也可能是篇幅的限制，賴的主張只有結論缺乏論述。假使能補充論述（提供「因為、所以」的根據），就完美了。

My Plan to Preserve Peace in the Taiwan Strait　我保衛台海和平的計畫    賴清德＠WSJ 20230704

My defining moment came as China’s military adventurism disrupted commercial shipping to Taiwan and threatened our shores with live fire exercises and missiles. I decided I had a duty to participate in Taiwan’s democracy and help protect this fledgling experiment from those who wished it harm.　那一刻，改變了我人生的軌跡。當時，台海受到飛彈及實彈操演的威脅，商船進出因為中國的軍事野心而受到影響。我下定決心，我有使命要參與台灣的民主，要保護這個新興的民主國家不受侵害。

That was 27 years ago.　那是27年前的事。

I was a doctor at National Cheng Kung University Hospital when news broke of the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis. This was during the runup to a presidential race, the first free election after decades of martial law during which activists had fought for democracy and freedom. Beijing wanted to send a message to those who supported Taiwan’s democratic reforms, preferring candidates more receptive to their authoritarian tendencies.　1996年發生台海危機時，我還在成功大學醫院擔任醫生。當時是歷經幾十年戒嚴後的首次總統直選，是許多民主前輩奮鬥犧牲所換來民主與自由的成果。然而北京卻想威脅對民主改革懷抱希望的台灣人民，迫使我們將選票投給專制政權所期望的候選人。

Thankfully, those candidates lost by a landslide. Our democracy has since flourished, but history has a way of repeating itself. After hanging up my white coat, I served in successive roles as an elected official—premier, vice president and now presidential candidate. I find myself in the same position as my predecessors. Consequently, my commitment to defending peace, our democratic achievements and the cross-strait status quo is stronger than ever.　所幸，那些候選人並未勝出。台灣的民主從此蓬勃發展，然而，歷史總會重演。我脫下白袍後，從民代、閣揆、副總統，直到現在成為總統候選人，我發現我的角色定位與當年維護台海安全的政治前輩一樣，此時此刻，我對於捍衛台灣的和平穩定、民主成就以及兩岸現狀的決心與承諾堅定無比。

A lot is at stake. President Xi Jinping has quashed dissent in Hong Kong, established “re-education” centers in Xinjiang, fomented conflict in the South China Sea, and stepped up military adventurism across the Taiwan Strait.　事關重大。當今北京的軍事實力比過往強大，這幾年來習近平下令鎮壓香港示威者，在新疆成立「再教育營」，煽動南海衝突，並企圖升高台海軍事衝突。沒有人樂見一個具威脅性的中國，但這是我們面臨的現實。

It’s unsurprising that in recent years there has been an outpouring of global support for peace in the Taiwan Strait. The invasion of Ukraine and growing strains of authoritarianism around the world have awakened the international community to the fragility of democracy. It can wither and die without proper care and attention.　近年來，我們看到全球力挺台海的和平穩定，並不足為奇。俄國入侵烏克蘭，以及專制政權的勢力在世界各國持續的蔓延擴張，警醒了國際社會民主的脆弱性，若是沒有被適當地關注與照料，它可能枯萎凋零，甚至終結死亡。

Care must start at home. As a doctor, I never left patients without a treatment plan. As president, I will implement a four-pillar plan for peace that is clear-eyed about the challenges we face and ensures continued stability in the region.　然而，對民主的關照必須要從自家開始。作為醫生，我從不會在沒有治療計畫的情況下醫治病人。而作為總統，我會執行保衛和平的四個支柱，要洞悉當前台灣所面臨的挑戰，更要確保延續區域的穩定。

First, we must build up Taiwan’s deterrence. Defense is the bedrock of our national security. Under President Tsai Ing-wen, we have increased defense budgets, reformed conscription and the reserve system, and supported new practices and capabilities within our military. These measures reduce the risk of armed conflict by raising the stakes and costs for Beijing. I will also expedite our transition into an asymmetric fighting force, focusing on cost-effective and mobile capabilities. I will seek greater cooperation with partners and allies, particularly in training, force restructuring, civil defense and information sharing.　首先，我們必須提升台灣的嚇阻力。國防是國家安全的基石。在蔡英文總統的領導下，我們已經增加了國防預算、改革徵兵及後備制度，並引進新型的作為與戰力。這一系列的改革，將使北京動用武力的成本增加，進而降低軍事衝突的風險。我也會加速國防轉型，加強具成本效益、機動性的非對稱戰力。我也將在部隊訓練、民防、資訊交換等方面，尋求與盟友間更進一步的交流。

Second, economic security is national security. In the years since democratization, Taiwan has become a high-tech powerhouse. As a former mayor of Tainan, I am proud to see semiconductors made both in the city and around Taiwan driving the next generation of technology. As premier, I spearheaded efforts to increase salaries, cut taxes and attract new investment.　第二，經濟安全即為國家安全。在民主化後，台灣成為高科技產業的領頭羊。身為前台南市長，我很驕傲地看到台南市以及台灣各地所生產的半導體促成了次世代的尖端科技。在我擔任行政院長時，我也率先倡議提高薪水、減稅、並吸引新投資。

Our economic achievements, however, have brought both opportunity and challenge. Trade dependencies toward China have created vulnerabilities that can be exploited through economic coercion. We must foster secure supply chains while pursuing trade agreements that encourage trade diversification. I will support innovative indigenous industries, cut unnecessary regulation, and strive to ensure that the fruits of economic growth are more evenly enjoyed.　我們的經濟成就帶給我們機會，也帶給我們挑戰。對中國貿易的依賴，使對岸有更多機會進行經濟恫嚇的手段。未來我們必須致力於鞏固台灣的供應鏈安全，並透過新貿易協定促成貿易多元化，同時支持國內創新產業，鬆綁不必要的法規，並保障台灣人民可以更公平地享受經濟發展的成果。

The third pillar is based on forming partnerships with democracies around the world. This year Taiwan sent the first medical team from Asia to Ukraine, assisting war-wounded personnel and residents. Record numbers of parliamentarians, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks and official delegations have visited Taiwan, showing that despite Communist Party pressure, we do not stand alone.　第三個支柱的核心，就是與世界民主國家建立更強健的夥伴關係。今年，台灣派遣了全亞洲第一支醫療團隊到烏克蘭，為戰火下受傷的人員與當地居民提供緊急救助服務。我們同時也見證許許多多來自各國的國會議員、非政府組織、智庫、與政府代表紛紛到訪台灣，代表著即使在北京的脅迫下，台灣並不孤單。

The fourth pillar is steady and principled cross-strait leadership. In recent years, China has cut off exchanges in line with its insistence on the “1992 consensus” and the “one China” framework that Mr. Xi himself has called a road map for unification. Military tensions are rising, fueled by coercive People’s Liberation Army actions against Taiwan, Japan and our neighbors in the South China Sea.　第四個支柱是要有穩定且具有原則的兩岸領導力。近年來，北京因堅持習近平指稱是為「邁向統一」且符合一中原則的「九二共識」，而斷絕兩岸交流。解放軍對台灣、日本，與我們在南海的鄰國虎視眈眈下，全球軍事緊張程度持續升高。

Despite increased military and economic challenges, my top priorities remain pragmatism and consistency. I will support the cross-strait status quo—which is in the best interests of both the Republic of China, as Taiwan is formally known, and the international community. I will never rule out the possibility of dialogue without preconditions, based on the principles of reciprocity and dignity.　面對著持續升高的軍事與經濟挑戰，維持務實及一致性的兩岸政策是我的首要任務。我會努力不懈地捍衛兩岸現狀，因為維持現狀是符合中華民國台灣與國際社會的最佳利益。我也不排除在基於互利、尊嚴且沒有先決條件下，與對岸展開對話。

Much has changed since 1996, yet much remains the same. People’s Liberation Army fighter jets and naval vessels continue to move around Taiwan in a bid to influence our democratic elections. Economic tensions persist. We are reminded daily that we can never take our freedom and democracy for granted. But my commitment is as clear today as it was 27 years ago: I will always work toward peace and stability for the people of Taiwan and the international community.　從1996年至今，台灣歷經許多改變，但也有許多事依舊如昔。解放軍的戰機與軍艦依然持續穿越台灣周邊海域，試圖影響台灣的民主選舉。經濟緊張關係持續。我們每天都被提醒著，我們現在所享受的民主與自由絕對不能視為理所當然。面對挑戰，我對台灣的承諾，和27年前一樣明確堅定。

Mr. Lai is vice president of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the Democratic Progressive Party’s candidate for the 2024 presidential election.　賴清德為現任中華民國(台灣)副總統以及民進黨2024總統大選候選人。