【縛雞之論】英文拷到 G / D 找中文翻譯
拜登不說客套話!直言。
Remarks by President Biden Before the
77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly the White House 20220921
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Mr. President,
Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow leaders, in the last year, our world has experienced
great upheaval: a growing crisis in food insecurity;
record heat, floods, and droughts; COVID-19; inflation; and a brutal, needless war — a war chosen by one man,
to be very blunt.
Let us speak plainly. A permanent member of the United Nations Security Council invaded its neighbor, attempted to erase a sovereign state from the map. (讓我們直白地說。某聯合國安理會常任理事國入侵其鄰國,試圖從地圖上抹去一個主權國家。)
Russia has
shamelessly violated the core tenets of the United Nations Charter — no more important
than the clear prohibition against countries taking the territory of their neighbor
by force.(俄羅斯無恥地違反了《聯合國憲章》的核心原則——其重要性不亞於明確禁止國家以武力奪取鄰國領土。)
Again, just
today, President Putin has made overt nuclear
threats against Europe and a reckless disregard for the responsibilities
of the non-proliferation regime. (就在今天,普丁總統再次公開對歐洲進行核威脅,並且魯莽地無視防擴散機制的責任。)
Now Russia
is calling — calling up more soldiers to join
the fight. And the Kremlin is
organizing a sham referenda to try to
annex parts of Ukraine, an extremely significant violation of the U.N. Charter.
(現在俄羅斯正在召集更多的士兵加入戰鬥。克里姆林宮正在組織一場虛假的公投,試圖吞併烏克蘭部分地區,這是對《聯合國憲章》的極其嚴重的違反。)
This world
should see these outrageous acts for what they are. Putin claims he had to act because Russia was
threatened. But no
one threatened Russia, and no one other than Russia sought conflict. (沒有人威脅俄羅斯,除俄羅斯之外,沒有人尋求衝突)
In fact, we
warned it was coming. And with many of you,
we worked to try to avert it.
Putin’s own words make his true purpose unmistakable. Just before he invaded, Putin asserted — and I
quote — Ukraine was “created by Russia” and never had, quote, “real statehood.”
And now we
see attacks on schools, railway stations, hospitals, wa- — on centers of Ukrainian
history and culture.
In the past,
even more horrifying evidence of Russia’s atrocity
and war crimes: mass graves uncovered in Izyum; bodies, according to
those that excavated those bodies, showing signs of torture.
This war is
about extinguishing Ukraine’s right to exist as a state, plain and simple, and Ukraine’s
right to exist as a people. Whoever you are,
wherever you live, whatever you believe, that should not — that should make your
blood run cold.
That’s why
141 nations in the General Assembly came together to unequivocally condemn Russia’s
war against Ukraine. The United States has
marshaled massive levels of security assistance and humanitarian aid and direct
economic support for Ukraine — more than $25
billion to date.
Our allies
and partners around the world have stepped up as well. And today, more
than 40 countries represented in here have contributed billions of their
own money and equipment to help Ukraine defend itself.
The United
States is also working closely with our allies and partners to impose costs on Russia,
to deter attacks against NATO territory, to hold Russia accountable for the atrocities and war crimes.(美國還與盟國和夥伴密切合作,提高俄羅斯的成本,阻止對北約領土的襲擊,讓俄羅斯對暴行和戰爭罪行負責。)
Because if nations can pursue their imperial ambitions without
consequences, then we put at risk everything this very institution stands
for. Everything.(如果各國能夠不顧後果地追求他們的帝國野心,那麼我們就會把體制所代表的一切都置於危險之中。)
Every victory
won on the battlefield belongs to the courageous Ukrainian soldiers. But this past year, the world was tested as well,
and we did not hesitate.
We chose liberty.
We chose sovereignty. We chose principles
to which every party to the United Nations Charter is beholding. We stood with Ukraine.
Like you,
the United States wants this war to end on just terms, on terms we all signed up
for: that you cannot seize a nation’s territory by force. The only country standing in the way of that is
Russia.
So, we — each
of us in this body who is determined to uphold the principles and beliefs we pledge
to defend as members of the United Nations — must be clear, firm, and unwavering
in our resolve.
Ukraine has
the same rights that belong to every sovereign nation. We will stand in solidarity with Ukraine. We will stand in solidarity against Russia’s aggression. Period.
Now, it’s
no secret that in the contest between democracy and autocracy, the United States
— and I, as President — champion a vision for our world that is grounded in the
values of democracy.
The United
States is determined to defend and strengthen democracy at home and around the world. Because I believe
democracy remains humanity’s greatest instrument to address the challenges of our
time.
We’re working
with the G7 and likeminded countries to prove democracies can deliver for their
citizens but also deliver for the rest of the world as well.
But as we
meet today, the U.N. Charter — the U.N. Charter’s very basis of a stable and just
rule-based order is under attack by those who wish to tear it down or distort it
for their own political advantage.
And the United
Nations Charter was not only signed by democracies of the world, it was negotiated
among citizens of dozens of nations with vastly different histories and ideologies,
united in their commitment to work for peace.
As President
Truman said in 1945, the U.N. Charter — and I quote — is “proof that nations, like
men, can state their differences, can face them, and then can find common ground on which to stand.” End of quote.(證明國家可以像人類一樣表達他們的分歧,可以面對分歧,然後可以找到共同的立場。)
That common ground was so straightforward, so basic
that, today, 193 of you — 193 member states —
have willingly embraced its principles. And
standing up for those principles for the U.N. Charter is the job of every responsible
member state.
I reject the use of violence and war to conquer nations or
expand borders through bloodshed.(我反對使用暴力和戰爭來征服國家或透過流血擴張邊界。)
To stand against
global politics of fear and coercion; to defend the
sovereign rights of smaller nations as equal to those of larger ones; to
embrace basic principles like freedom of navigation,
respect for international law, and arms control — no matter what else we
may disagree on, that is the common ground upon which we must stand.
If you’re
still committed to a strong foundation for the good of every nation around the world,
then the United States wants to work with you.
I also believe
the time has come for this institution to become more inclusive so that it can better
respond to the needs of today’s world.
Members of
the U.N. Security Council, including the United States, should consistently uphold
and defend the U.N. Charter and refrain — refrain from the use of the veto, except
in rare, extraordinary situations, to ensure that the Council remains credible and
effective.
That is also
why the United States supports increasing the number of both permanent and non-permanent
representatives of the Council. This includes
permanent seats for those nations we’ve long supported and permanent seats for countries
in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean.
The United
States is committed to this vital work. In
every region, we pursued new, constructive ways to work with partners to advance
shared interests, from elevating the Quad in the Indo-Pacific; to signing the Los
Angeles Declaration of Migration and Protection at the Summit of the Americas; to
joining a historic meeting of nine Arab leaders to work toward a more peaceful,
integrated Middle East; to hosting the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit in — this December.
As I said
last year, the United States is opening an era of relentless diplomacy to address
the challenges that matter most to people’s lives — all people’s lives: tackling
the climate crisis, as the previous spoker [sic] — speaker spoke to; strengthening
global health security; feeding the world — feeding the world.
We made that
priority. And one year later, we’re keeping
that promise.
From the day
I came to office, we’ve led with a bold climate agenda. We rejoined the Paris Agreement, convened major
climate summits, helped deliver critical agreements on COP26. And we helped get two thirds of the world GDP
on track to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
And now I’ve
signed a historic piece of legislation here in the United States that includes the
biggest, most important climate commitment we have ever made in the history of our
country: $369 billion toward climate change. That includes tens of billions in new investments
in offshore wind and solar, doubling down on zero emission vehicles, increasing
energy efficiency, supporting clean manufacturing.
Our Department
of Energy estimates that this new law will reduce U.S. emissions by one gigaton
a year by 2030 while unleashing a new era of
clean-energy-powered economic growth.
Our investments
will also help reduce the cost of developing clean energy technologies worldwide,
not just the United States. This is a global
gamechanger — and none too soon. We don’t
have much time.
We all know
we’re already living in a climate crisis.
No one seems to doubt it after this past year. We meet — we meet — much of Pas- — as we meet,
much of Pakistan is still underwater; it needs help. Meanwhile, the Horn of Africa faces unprecedented
drought.
Families are
facing impossible choices, choosing which child to feed and wondering whether they’ll
survive.
This is the human cost of climate change. And it’s growing, not lessening.
So, as I announced
last year, to meet our global responsibility, my administration is working with
our Congress to deliver more than $11 billion a year
to international climate finance to help lower-income countries implement
their climate goals and ensure a just energy transition.
The key part
of that will be our PEPFAR [PREPARE] plan, which will help half a billion people,
and especially vulnerable countries, adapt to the impacts of climate change and
build resilience.
This need
is enormous. So let this be the moment we
find within ourselves the will to turn back the tide of climate demastation [sic]
— devastation and unlock a resilient, sustainable, clean energy economy to preserve
our planet.
On global
health, we’ve delivered more than 620 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to 116 countries
around the world, with more available to help meet countries’ needs — all free of
charge, no strings attached.
And we’re
working closely with the G20 and other countries. And the United States helped lead the change to
establish a groundbreaking new Fund for Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response
at the World Bank.
At the same
time, we’ve continued to advance the ball on enduring global health challenges.
Later today,
I’ll host the Seventh Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis, and Malaria. With bipartisan
support in our Congress, I have pledged to contribute up to $6 billion to that effort.
So I look
forward to welcoming a historic round of pledges at the conference resulting in
one of the largest global health fundraisers ever held in all of history.
We’re also
taking on the food crisis head on. With as
many as 193 million people around the world experiencing acute — acute food insecurity
— a jump of 40 million in a year — today I’m announcing another $2.9 billion in
U.S. support for lifesaving humanitarian and food security assistance for this year
alone.
Russia, in the meantime,
is pumping out lies, trying to pin the blame for the crisis — the food crisis —
onto sanctions imposed by many in the world for the aggression against Ukraine.
So let me
be perfectly clear about something: Our sanctions explicitly
allow — explicitly allow Russia the ability to export food and fertilizer. No limitation. It’s Russia’s war that is worsening food insecurity,
and only Russia can end it.(我們的制裁明確允許俄羅斯得出口食品和化肥。沒有限制。正是俄羅斯的戰爭正在加劇糧食不安全,只有俄羅斯才能結束它。)
I’m grateful
for the work here at the U.N. — including your leadership, Mr. Secretary-General
— establishing a mechanism to export grain from Black Sea ports in Ukraine that
Russia had blocked for months, and we need to make sure it’s extended.
We believe
strongly in the need to feed the world. That’s
why the United States is the world’s largest supporter of the World Food Programme,
with more than 40 percent of its budget.
We’re leading
support — we’re leading support of the UNICEF efforts to feed children around the
world.
And to take
on the larger challenge of food insecurity, the United States introduced a Call
to Action: a roadmap eliminating global food insecurity — to eliminating global
food insecurity that more than 100 nation member states have already supported.
In June, the
G7 announced more than $4.5 billion to strengthen food security around the world.
Through USAID’s
Feed the Future initiative, the United States is scaling up innovative ways to get
drought- and heat-resistant seeds into the hands of farmers who need them, while
distributing fertilizer and improving fertilizer efficiency so that farmers can
grow more while using less.
And we’re
calling on all countries to refrain from banning food exports or hoarding grain
while so many people are suffering. Because
in every country in the world, no matter what else divides us, if parents cannot
feed their children, nothing — nothing else matters if parents cannot feed their
children.
As we look
to the future, we’re working with our partners to update
and create rules of the road for new challenges we face in the 21st century.
We launched
the Trade and Technology Council with
the European Union to ensure that key technologies — key
technologies are developed and governed in the way that benefits everyone.
With our partner
countries and through the U.N., we’re supporting and strengthening the norms of
responsibility — responsible state behavior in cyberspace and working to hold accountable
those who use cyberattacks to threaten international peace and security.
With partners
in the Americas, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, and the Indo-Pacific, we’re working to build a new economic ecosystem while
— where every nation — every nation gets a fair shot and economic growth is resilient,
sustainable, and shared.
That’s why
the United States has championed a global minimum tax. And we will work to see it implemented so major
corporations pay their fair share everywhere — everywhere.
It’s also
been the idea behind the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework,
which the United States launched this year with 13 other Indo-Pacific economies. We’re working with our partners in ASEAN and the
Pacific Islands to support a vision for a critical Indo-Pacific region that is free and open, connected and prosperous, secure and resilient.
Together with
partners around the world, we’re working to ser- — secure resilient supply chains that protect everyone from coercion or domination and ensure that
no country can use energy as a weapon.(建立免於被強制與霸道,與沒有國家得以能源做為武器的韌性供應鏈)
And as Russia’s
war rolls [sic] — riles the global economy, we’re also calling on major global creditors,
including the non-Paris Club countries, to transparently negotiate debt forgiveness
for lower-income countries to forestall broader economic and political crises around
the world.
Instead of
infrastructure projects that generate huge and large
debt without delivering on the promised advantages, let’s meet the enormous
infrastructure needs around the world with transparent
investments — high-standard projects that protect the rights of workers and
the environment — keyed to the needs of the communities
they serve, not to the contributor.
That’s why
the United States, together with fellow G7 partners, launched a Partnership for
Global Infrastructure and Investment. We
intend to collectively mobilize $600 billion
in investment through this partnership by 2027.
Dozens of
projects are already underway: industrial-scale vaccine manufacturing in Senegal,
transformative solar projects in Angola, first-of-its-kind small modular nuclear
power plant in Romania.
These are
investments that are going to deliver returns not just for those countries, but
for everyone. The United States will work
with every nation, including our competitors, to solve global problems like climate
change. Climate diplomacy is not a favor
to the United States or any other nation, and walking away hurts the entire world.
Let me be
direct about the competition between the United
States and China. As we manage shifting
geopolitical trends, the United States will conduct itself as a reasonable leader. We do not seek conflict. We do not seek a Cold War. We do not ask any nation to choose between the
United States or any other partner. 讓我直接談談美國和中國之間的競爭。 在我們應對不斷變化的地緣政治趨勢時,美國將作為一個合理的領導者行事。 我們不尋求衝突。 我們不尋求冷戰。 我們不要求任何國家在美國或任何其他夥伴之間做出選擇。
But the United
States will be unabashed in promoting our vision of a free, open, secure, and prosperous
world and what we have to offer communities of nations: investments that are designed
not to foster dependency, but to alleviate burdens and help nations become self-sufficient;
partnerships not to create political obligation, but because we know our own success
— each of our success is increased when other nations succeed as well. 但美國將毫不掩飾地宣傳我們對自由、開放、安全和繁榮世界的願景,以及我們必須為國際社會提供:非旨在促進依賴,而是減輕負擔並幫助各國現自給自足;夥伴關係不是為了創造政治義務,而是因為我們知道我們自己的成功——當其他國家也成功時,我們的每一個成功都會增加。
When individuals
have the chance to live in dignity and develop their talents, everyone benefits. Critical to that is living up to the highest goals
of this institution: increasing peace and security for
everyone, everywhere. 當個人有機會過有尊嚴的生活並發展他們的才能時,每個人都會受益。 對此至關重要的是實現該機構的最高目標:為世界各地的每個人增加和平與安全。
The United
States will not waver in our unrelenting determination to counter and thwart the
continuing terrorist threats to our world.
And we will lead with our diplomacy
to strive for peaceful resolution of conflicts.
美國不會動搖我們對抗和阻止對我們世界持續存在的恐怖主義威脅的堅定決心。 我們將以我們的外交領導,爭取和平解決衝突。
We seek to
uphold peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits. 我們力求維護台海的和平與穩定。
We remain
committed to our One China policy, which has helped prevent conflict for four decades. And we continue to oppose unilateral changes in
the status quo by either side. 我們仍然致力於我們的一個中國政策,該政策在過去 4 年裡幫助預防了衝突。 我們繼續反對任何一方單方面改變現狀。
We support
an African Union-led peace process to end the fight in Ethiopia and restore security
for all its people.
In Venezuela,
where years of the political oppression have driven more than 6 million people from
that country, we urge a Venezuelan-led dialogue and a return to free and fair elections.
We continue
to stand with our neighbor in Haiti as it faces political-fueled gang violence and
an enormous human crisis.
And we call
on the world to do the same. We have more
to do.
We’ll continue
to back the U.N.-mediated truce in Yemen, which has delivered precious months of
peace to people that have suffered years of war.
And we will
continue to advocate for lasting negotiating peace between the Jewish and democratic
state of Israel and the Palestinian people.
The United States is committed to Israel’s security, full stop. And a negotiated two-state solution remains, in
our view, the best way to ensure Israel’s security and prosperity for the future
and give the Palestinians the state which — to which they are entitled — both sides
to fully respect the equal rights of their citizens; both people enjoying equal
measure of freedom and dignity.
Let me also
urge every nation to recommit to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime
through diplomacy. No matter what else is
happening in the world, the United States is ready to pursue critical arms control
measures. A nuclear war cannot be won and
must never be fought.
The five permanent
members of the Security Council just reaffirmed that commitment in January. But today, we’re seeing disturbing trends. Russia shunned the Non-Proliferati- — -Proliferation
ideals embraced by every other nation at the 10th NPT Review Conference.
And again,
today, as I said, they’re making irresponsible nuclear threats to use nuclear weapons. China is conducting an unprecedented, concerning
nuclear buildup without any transparency.
Despite our
efforts to begin serious and sustained diplomacy, the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea continues to blatantly violate U.N. sanctions.
And while
the United States is prepared for a mutual return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan
of Action if Iran steps up to its obligations, the United States is clear: We will
not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.
I continue
to believe that diplomacy is the best way to achieve this outcome. The nonproliferation regime is one of the greatest
successes of this institution. We cannot
let the world now slide backwards, nor can we turn a blind eye to the erosion of
human rights.
Perhaps singular
among this body’s achievements stands the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
which is the standard by which our forebears challenged us to measure ourselves.
They made
clear in 1948: Human rights are the basis for all that we seek to achieve. And yet today, in 2022, fundamental freedoms are
at risk in every part of our world, from the violations of — in Xinjiang detailed
in recent reports by the Office of U.N. — U.S. — reports detailing by the U.S. [U.N.]
High Commissioner, to the horrible abuses against pro-democracy activists and ethnic
minorities by the military regime in Burma, to the increased repression of women
and girls by the Taliban in Afghanistan.
And today,
we stand with the brave citizens and the brave women of Iran who right now are demonstrating
to secure their basic rights.
But here’s
what I know: The future will be won by those countries that unleash the full potential
of their populations, where women and girls can exercise equal rights, including
basic reproductive rights, and contribute fully to building a stronger economies
and more resilient societies; where religious and ethnic minorities can live their
lives without harassment and contribute to the fabric of their communities; where
the LGBTQ+ community individuals live and love freely without being targeted with
violence; where citizens can question and criticize their leaders without fear of
reprisal.
The United
States will always promote human rights and the values enshrined in the U.N. Charter
in our own country and around the world.
Let me end
with this: This institution, guided by the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, is at its core an act of dauntless hope.
Let me say
that again: It’s an act of dauntless hope.
Think about
the vision of those first delegates who undertook a seemingly impossible task while
the world was still smoldering.
Think about
how divided the people of the world must have felt with the fresh grief of millions
dead, the genocidal horrors of the Holocaust exposed.
They had every
right to believe only the worst of humanity.
Instead, they reached for what was best in all of us, and they strove to
build something better: enduring peace; comity among nations; equal rights for every
member of the human family; cooperation for the advancement of all humankind.
My fellow
leaders, the challenges we face today are great indeed, but our capacity is greater. Our commitment must be greater still.
So let’s stand
together to again declare the unmistakable resolve that nations of the world are
united still, that we stand for the values of the U.N. Charter, that we still believe
by working together we can bend the arc of history toward a freer and more just
world for all our children, although none of us have fully achieved it.
We’re not
passive witnesses to history; we are the authors of history.
We can do
this — we have to do it — for ourselves and for our future, for humankind.
Thank you
for your tolerance, for listening to me.
I appreciate it very much. God bless
you all. (Applause.)
11:37 A.M.
EDT
拜登這篇演說,其中所隱含的美國戰略,與2018 一篇由Dr. Strobe Driver 所寫的長篇論文,非常接近:美台都不主動發起戰火第一響,但一定不畏戰,也不懼戰。
回覆刪除若北京把情勢估計錯誤,而主動在2027以前發起侵略台灣戰爭,中國所掀起的將是對中國有史以來最大的挫折與失敗,甚至導致中國共產黨從此自地球上被蒸發了。