拜登政府對中華人民共和國的政策宣言：布林肯中國政策演說（全文／中英對照） 風傳媒 20220530

拜登政府對中華人民共和國的政策宣言：布林肯中國政策演說（全文／中英對照）    風傳媒 20220530

編按：美國國務卿布林肯（Antony Blinken）26日在亞洲協會發表中國政策演說，美國駐中國大使館的官方網站與微信公眾號27日發布演講中文全文，但後者隨即遭到微信屏蔽，用戶只能看到演講題目，卻無法看到演說內容。這篇詳述拜登政府如何擘劃中國政策的重要演說，《風傳媒》特將其英文原文、中文譯文與演說影片全部刊出。

Thank you.  Good morning.

It’s a real pleasure to be here at The George Washington University.  This is an institution that draws outstanding students and scholars from around the world and where the most urgent challenges that we face as a country and a planet are studied and debated.  So thank you for having us here today.

謝謝，各位早安。

很高興來到喬治華盛頓大學。這所學校吸引了來自世界各地的優秀學子與學者，我們作為一個國家與星球所面臨的最緊迫挑戰，都在這裡進行研究與辯論。因此，謝謝你們邀請我們來到這裡。

And I especially want to thank our friends at the Asia Society, dedicated to forging closer ties with the countries and people of Asia to try to enhance peace, prosperity, freedom, equality, sustainability.  Thank you for hosting us today, but thank you for your leadership every day. Kevin Rudd, Wendy Cutler, Danny Russel – all colleagues, all thought leaders, but also doers, and it’s always wonderful to be with you.

我要特別感謝亞洲協會的朋友，他們致力於與亞洲各國與民眾建立更密切的聯繫，努力促進和平、繁榮、自由、平等與可持續發展。感謝你們主辦今天的活動，也感謝你們每天扮演的領導角色。陸克文，溫迪‧卡特勒，丹尼‧羅素—所有的同事、所有的思想領袖與實踐家，與你們相處總是讓人愉快。

And I have to say I am really grateful, Senator Romney, for your presence here today – a man, a leader, that I greatly admire, a person of tremendous principle, who has been leading on the subject that we’re going to talk about today.  Senator, thank you for your presence. And I’m also delighted to see so many members of the diplomatic corps because diplomacy is the indispensable tool for shaping our shared future.

我必須說，羅姆尼參議員，我非常感謝你今天出席這個活動—一位我非常欽佩的領導者，一個堅持原則的人，一個對於我們今天討論的話題一直扮演領導角色的人。參議員，感謝您的出席。我也很高興看到這麼多外交使團成員在座，因為外交是塑造我們共同未來不可或缺的工具。

In the past two years we’ve come together to fight the COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global health emergencies, rebuild from economic shocks, from supply-chain disruptions to debt crises, and take on climate change, and reimagine an energy future that’s cleaner, more secure, and more affordable. The common denominator across these efforts is the simple fact that none of us can meet these challenges alone.  We have to face them together.

在過去的兩年裡，我們一起對抗新冠疫情，為未來的全球衛生緊急情況做準備，從供應鏈中斷、債務危機等經濟衝擊中進行重建，並且應對氣候變化，重新構想一個更清潔、更安全、更能負擔得起的能源未來。這些努力的共同點在於，我們沒有人能夠單獨應對這些挑戰。我們必須一起面對。

That’s why we’ve put diplomacy back at the center of American foreign policy, to help us realize the future that Americans and people around the world seek – one where technology is used to lift people up, not suppress them；where trade and commerce support workers, raise incomes, create opportunity；where universal human rights are respected；countries are secure from coercion and aggression, and people, ideas, goods, and capital move freely；and where nations can both forge their own paths and work together effectively in common cause.

這就是為什麼我們把外交重新放在美國對外政策的中心，藉以我們實現美國民眾與世界各地民眾所尋求的未來—科技被用來增進民眾福祉而對非其壓制；貿易與商業支持勞工、提高收入、創造機會；普世人權得到尊重；國家不受脅迫與侵略；人員、思想、商品與資本能夠自由流動；各國都可以開闢自己的道路，又能在共同事業中有效合作。

To build that future, we must defend and reform the rules-based international order – the system of laws, agreements, principles, and institutions that the world came together to build after two world wars to manage relations between states, to prevent conflict, to uphold the rights of all people.

為了建設這樣的未來，我們必須捍衛與改革基於規則的國際秩序—這是兩次世界大戰後，各國共同建立的法律、協議、原則與機構體系，以管理國家之間的關係，防止衝突、並且維護所有人的權利。

Its founding documents include the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which enshrined concepts like self-determination, sovereignty, the peaceful settlement of disputes.  These are not Western constructs.  They are reflections of the world’s shared aspirations. In the decades since, despite daunting challenges and despite the gap between our ideals and some of the results we’ve achieved, the countries of the world have avoided another world war and armed conflict between nuclear powers.  We’ve built a global economy that lifted billions of people out of poverty.  We’ve advanced human rights as never before.

其創始文件包括《聯合國憲章》與《世界人權宣言》，其中包含了自決、主權、和平解決爭端等概念。這不是西方的構建，它們反映了世界共同願望。此後幾十年，儘管面臨嚴峻的挑戰，儘管我們的理想與我們已取得的成果之間存在差距，世界各國避免了另一場世界大戰、以及核武強國之間的武裝衝突。我們建立了全球化的經濟，使數十億人擺脫貧困。在促進人權方面，我們也取得前所未有的成就。

Now, as we look to the future, we want not just to sustain the international order that made so much of that progress possible, but to modernize it, to make sure that it represents the interests, the values, the hopes of all nations, big and small, from every region；and furthermore, that it can meet the challenges that we face now and will face in the future, many of which are beyond what the world could have imagined seven decades ago. But that outcome is not guaranteed because the foundations of the international order are under serious and sustained challenge.

現在當我們展望未來，我們不僅要維持此一進展，使其成為可能的國際秩序，更要將其現代化，確保它代表所有區域無論大小國家的利益、價值觀與希望。更重要的是，使其能夠應對我們現在與未來所面臨的挑戰，其中許多挑戰超出了70年前的想像。但是，由於國際秩序的基礎受到嚴重而持續的挑戰，此種結果的實現無法得到保證。

Russian President Vladimir Putin poses a clear and present threat.  In attacking Ukraine three months ago, he also attacked the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, enshrined in the UN Charter, to protect all countries from being conquered or coerced.  That’s why so many countries have united to oppose this aggression because they see it as a direct assault on the foundation of their own peace and security.

俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾‧普京造成了明確而現實的威脅。三個月前他攻擊烏克蘭時，《聯合國憲章》保護所有國家不被征服或脅迫的主權與領土完整原則也同樣遭到重創。這就是為什麼這麼多國家團結起來反對此次侵略，因為他們認為這是對其和平安全基礎的直接攻擊。

Ukraine is fighting valiantly to defend its people and its independence with unprecedented assistance from the United States and countries around the world.  And while the war is not over, President Putin has failed to achieve a single one of his strategic aims.  Instead of erasing Ukraine’s independence, he strengthened it.  Instead of dividing NATO, he’s united it.  Instead of asserting Russia’s strength, he’s undermined it.  And instead of weakening the international order, he has brought countries together to defend it. Even as President Putin’s war continues, we will remain focused on the most serious long-term challenge to the international order – and that’s posed by the People’s Republic of China.

烏克蘭正在美國與世界各國前所未有的援助下英勇戰鬥，捍衛其人民與獨立。儘管戰爭尚未結束，但普京也未能實現其戰略目標。他沒能抹殺、反倒強化烏克蘭的獨立。他沒有分裂、反倒團結了北約。他沒有展示俄羅斯的實力，反而削弱了它。他沒能削弱國際秩序，反倒讓各國團結起來捍衛國際秩序。即使普京發動的戰爭仍在繼續，我們仍將關注國際秩序所面臨的最嚴峻挑戰—也就是中華人民共和國帶來的威脅。

China is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.  Beijing’s vision would move us away from the universal values that have sustained so much of the world’s progress over the past 75 years. China is also integral to the global economy and to our ability to solve challenges from climate to COVID.  Put simply, the United States and China have to deal with each other for the foreseeable future. That’s why this is one of the most complex and consequential relationships of any that we have in the world today.

中國是唯一不僅企圖重塑國際秩序，其日益增強的經濟、外交、軍事與科技實力也讓這個國家具有實現其野心的能力。北京的願景將使我們遠離過去75年維繫世界進步的普世價值。然而中國也是全球經濟不可或缺的一部分，對於我們應對從氣候到新冠病毒等各種挑戰的能力，中國也同樣不可或缺。簡而言之，在可預見的未來，美國和中國都不得不與對方打交道。這就是為什麼這是當今世上最複雜最重要的關係之一。

Over the last year, the Biden administration has developed and implemented a comprehensive strategy to harness our national strengths and our unmatched network of allies and partners to realize the future that we seek. We are not looking for conflict or a new Cold War.  To the contrary, we’re determined to avoid both.

在過去一年裡，拜登政府制定並實施了一項綜合戰略，利用我們的國家實力以及我們無與倫比的盟友與合作夥伴網絡，實現我們所尋求的未來。我們不是在尋求衝突或者新冷戰，我們反而是決心避免發生這兩種情況。

We don’t seek to block China from its role as a major power, nor to stop China – or any other country, for that matter – from growing their economy or advancing the interests of their people. But we will defend and strengthen the international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that maintain peace and security, protect the rights of individuals and sovereign nations, and make it possible for all countries – including the United States and China – to coexist and cooperate.

我們不尋求阻止中國作為大國發揮作用，也不阻止中國或任何其他國家發展經濟或促進本國民眾的利益。但是，我們將捍衛與加強維護和平與安全、保護個人與主權國家權利、使包括美國與中國在內的所有國家能夠共存與合作的國際法、協議、原則與機構機制。

Now, the China of today is very different from the China of 50 years ago, when President Nixon broke decades of strained relations to become the first U.S. president to visit the country. Then, China was isolated and struggling with widespread poverty and hunger.

今天的中國與50年前的中國大不相同，當時尼克森總統打破了幾十年的緊張關係，成為第一位訪問中國的美國總統。當時的中國處於孤立之中，並且在大範圍的貧困與飢餓裡掙扎。

Now, China is a global power with extraordinary reach, influence, and ambition.  It’s the second largest economy, with world-class cities and public transportation networks.  It’s home to some of the world’s largest tech companies and it seeks to dominate the technologies and industries of the future.  It’s rapidly modernized its military and intends to become a top tier fighting force with global reach.  And it has announced its ambition to create a sphere of influence in the Indo-Pacific and to become the world’s leading power.

現在的中國是一個擁有非凡影響力與雄心的全球大國。它是第二大經濟體，擁有世界級的城市與公共交通網路。某些世界級科技公司的總部就在這裡，中國也尋求主導未來的技術與產業。它迅速實現了軍事現代化，並打算使其成為能夠投射全球的頂級軍事力量。它還宣佈了在印太地區建立勢力範圍、以及成為世界領先大國的雄心。

China’s transformation is due to the talent, the ingenuity, the hard work of the Chinese people.  It was also made possible by the stability and opportunity that the international order provides.  Arguably, no country on Earth has benefited more from that than China. But rather than using its power to reinforce and revitalize the laws, the agreements, the principles, the institutions that enabled its success so that other countries can benefit from them, too, Beijing is undermining them.  Under President Xi, the ruling Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad.

中國的成功轉型要歸功於中國人民的天賦、智慧與勤勞，同時也受益於國際秩序所提供的穩定與機會。我們可以說，地球上沒有任何國家比中國從中獲得更多好處。然而中國政府並沒有利用他們的力量來加強使其獲得成功的法律、協議、原則與制度，讓其他國家也能從中受益，北京正在造成破壞。在習近平主席的領導下，執政的中國共產黨在國內變得更加專制，在國外則變得更加咄咄逼人。

We see that in how Beijing has perfected mass surveillance within China and exported that technology to more than 80 countries；how its advancing unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, undermining peace and security, freedom of navigation, and commerce；how it’s circumventing or breaking trade rules, harming workers and companies in the United States but also around the world；and how it purports to champion sovereignty and territorial integrity while standing with governments that brazenly violate them.

我們看到，中國政府如何完善了國內的大規模監控，並向80多個國家出口了這種技術；中國政府在南海推進非法的海洋主張，破壞了和平與安全、航行自由與商業；中國政府如何規避或違反了貿易規則，傷害了美國乃至世界各地的工人與企業；中國政府如何聲稱捍衛主權與領土完整，同時又與公然違反這些規則的政府站在一起。

Even while Russia was clearly mobilizing to invade Ukraine, President Xi and President Putin declared that the friendship between their countries was – and I quote – 「without limits.」  Just this week, as President Biden was visiting Japan, China and Russia conducted a strategic bomber patrol together in the region. Beijing’s defense of President Putin’s war to erase Ukraine’s sovereignty and secure a sphere of influence in Europe should raise alarm bells for all of us who call the Indo-Pacific region home.

即便俄羅斯顯然正在動員入侵烏克蘭，習主席卻與普京總統宣佈兩國之間的友誼—原話是「兩國友好沒有止境」—就在本週，當拜登總統訪問日本時，中國與俄羅斯在該地區進行了戰略轟炸機的共同巡弋。北京為普京發動的旨在消除烏克蘭主權、並在歐洲建立勢力範圍的戰爭辯護，對於將印太地區視為家園的我們所有人都是一記警鐘。

For these reasons and more, this is a charged moment for the world.  And at times like these, diplomacy is vital.  It’s how we make clear our profound concerns, better understand each other’s perspective, and have no doubt about each other’s intentions.  We stand ready to increase our direct communication with Beijing across a full range of issues.  And we hope that that can happen. But we cannot rely on Beijing to change its trajectory.  So we will shape the strategic environment around Beijing to advance our vision for an open, inclusive international system.

由於各式各樣的原因，世界面臨一個充滿變數的時刻。對於這樣的時刻，外交至關重要。這是我們表達深切關注的方式，也能更好地理解彼此的觀點、避免對彼此的意圖產生誤解。我們隨時準備就各種問題加強與北京的直接溝通，我們希望這件事能夠實現。但我們不能指望北京改弦更張。因此，我們將塑造北京周邊的戰略環境，藉以推進我們建立開放、包容國際體系的願景。

President Biden believes this decade will be decisive.  The actions that we take at home and with countries worldwide will determine whether our shared vision of the future will be realized. To succeed in this decisive decade, the Biden administration’s strategy can be summed up in three words – 「invest, align, compete.」

拜登總統認為，未來十年將是決定性的十年。我們在國內與與世界各國採取的行動將決定我們對未來的共同願景是否能夠實現。為了在這個決定性的十年中取得成功，拜登政府的戰略可以用三個詞來概括—「投資、結盟、競爭」

We will invest in the foundations of our strength here at home – our competitiveness, our innovation, our democracy. We will align our efforts with our network of allies and partners, acting with common purpose and in common cause. And harnessing these two key assets, we’ll compete with China to defend our interests and build our vision for the future.

我們將投資於我們國內力量的基礎—我們的競爭力、我們的創新、我們的民主。我們將與我們的盟友與夥伴一起努力，為共同目標與共同事業採取行動。我們將利用這兩項關鍵資產與中國競爭，捍衛我們的利益、構建我們對未來的願景。

We take on this challenge with confidence.  Our country is endowed with many strengths.  We have peaceful neighbors, a diverse and growing population, abundant resources, the world’s reserve currency, the most powerful military on Earth, and a thriving culture of innovation and entrepreneurship that, for example, produced multiple effective vaccines now protecting people worldwide from COVID-19.

我們充滿信心地迎接這個挑戰。我們的國家具有許多優勢。我們有和平的鄰國，多元並且不斷增長的人口、豐富的資源、世界儲備貨幣、地球上最強大的軍事力量、生機勃勃的創新與創業文化，比方說我們生產了多種有效的疫苗，保護全世界的民眾免受新冠病毒的傷害。

And our open society, at its best, attracts flows of talent and investment and has a time-tested capacity for reinvention, rooted in our democracy, empowering us to meet whatever challenges we face.

我們擁有處於最佳狀態的開放社會，吸引人才與投資的流動，並具有久經時間考驗的重塑能力，這植根於我們的民主制度，使我們能夠應對我們面臨的任何挑戰。

First, on investing in our strength. After the Second World War, as we and our partners were building the rules-based order, our federal government was also making strategic investments in scientific research, education, infrastructure, our workforce, creating millions of middle-class jobs and decades of prosperity and technology leadership.  But we took those foundations for granted.  And so it’s time to get back to basics.

首先要談的是對我們力量的投資。第二次世界大戰後，當我們與我們的合作夥伴建立基於規則的秩序時，我們的聯邦政府也對科學研究、教育、基礎設施、勞動力方面進行戰略投資，創造了數百萬個中產階級的就業機會，以及數十年的繁榮與技術領先。但我們將這些視為理所當然，因此是重新審視其基礎的時候了。

The Biden administration is making far-reaching investments in our core sources of national strength – starting with a modern industrial strategy to sustain and expand our economic and technological influence, make our economy and supply chains more resilient, sharpen our competitive edge.

拜登政府正在對我們國家實力的核心來源進行影響深遠的投資—從產業現代化的戰略開始，藉以維持與擴大我們在經濟與科技上的影響力，使我們的經濟與供應鏈更具彈性，提高我們的競爭優勢。

Last year, President Biden signed into law the largest infrastructure investment in our history：to modernize our highways, our ports, airports, rail, and bridges；to move goods to market faster, to boost our productivity；to expand high-speed internet to every corner of the country；to draw more businesses and more jobs to more parts of America.

拜登總統去年簽署了美國史上最大型的基礎設施投資法案：使我們的高速公路、港口、機場、鐵路與橋梁更加現代化；讓貨物能夠被更快地運往市場，提高我們的生產力；將高速網路擴展到全國的每個角落；為美國更多地區吸引更多的企業與就業機會。

We’re making strategic investments in education and worker training, so that American workers – the best in the world – can design, build, and operate the technologies of the future. Because our industrial strategy centers on technology, we want to invest in research, development, advanced manufacturing.  Sixty years ago, our government spent more than twice as much on research as a percentage of our economy as we do now – investments that, in turn, catalyzed private-sector innovation.  It’s how we won the space race, invented the semiconductor, built the internet.  We used to rank first in the world in R&D as a proportion of our GDP – now we’re ninth.  Meanwhile, China has risen from eighth place to second.

我們正在對教育與勞工訓練進行戰略投資，以便美國的勞工—他們是世界上最好的工人—能夠設計、建造與操作未來的技術。由於我們的產業戰略以科技為中心，我們希望對研究、開發與先進的製造業進行投資。60年前，我們政府在研究上的投入是現在的兩倍多—這些投資也促進了民營部門的創新。我們就是這樣贏得了太空競賽、發明了半導體、建立了網際網路。我們的研發經費在GDP的佔比曾是世界首位—現在卻只能排名第9。與此同時，中國則從第8位已經攀升至全球第2。

With bipartisan congressional support, we’ll reverse these trends and make historic investments in research and innovation, including in fields like artificial intelligence, biotechnology, quantum computing.  These are areas that Beijing is determined to lead – but given America’s advantages, the competition is ours to lose, not only in terms of developing new technologies but also in shaping how they’re used around the world, so that they’re rooted in democratic values, not authoritarian ones.

在國會兩黨的支持下，我們將扭轉這些趨勢、並且對人工智慧、生物技術、量子計算等領域的研究與創新進行歷史性的投資。這些都是北京決心要領導全球的領域—但是考慮到美國的優勢，這場競爭我們勝券在握，不僅是在開發新科技方面，在影響世界各地如何使用這些技術也是如此，因而這些科技植根於民主、而非專制的價值觀。

The leadership – Senator Romney and others – the House and Senate have passed bills to support this agenda, including billions to produce semiconductors here and to strengthen other critical supply chains.  Now we need Congress to send the legislation to the President for his signature.

我們的領導階層—參議員羅姆尼與其他人—參眾兩院已經通過支持這項議程的法案，包括用於在國內生產半導體與加強其他關鍵供應鏈的數十億美元預算。現在我們需要國會將法案送交總統簽署。

We can get this done, and it can’t wait – supply chains are moving now, and if we don’t draw them here, they’ll be established somewhere else.  As President Biden has said, the Chinese Communist Party is lobbying against this legislation – because there’s no better way to enhance our global standing and influence than to deliver on our domestic renewal.  These investments will not only make America stronger; they’ll make us a stronger partner and ally as well.

我們可以完成這項工作，而且不能再等了—供應鏈正在轉移，如果我們不把他們引回國內，供應鏈就會在別的地方建立起來。正如拜登總統所說，中國共產黨正在遊說反對這項立法—因為要提高我們的全球地位與影響力，沒有比振興國內更好的辦法了。這些投資不僅讓美國更加強大，還會讓我們成為更強大的合作夥伴與盟友。

One of the most powerful, even magical things about the United States is that we have long been a destination for talented, driven people from every part of the planet.  That includes millions of students from China, who have enriched our communities and forged lifelong bonds with Americans.  Last year, despite the pandemic, we issued more than 100,000 visas to Chinese students in just four months – our highest rate ever.  We’re thrilled that they’ve chosen to study in the United States – we’re lucky to have them.

美國最強大、甚至有些神奇的地方之一，就是我們長期以來一直是世界各地人才的目的地。這其中也包括來自中國的數百萬學生，他們豐富了我們的社群，並與美國人建立了終生的聯繫。儘管疫情爆發，我們去年在短短四個月內仍向中國學生發放了十幾萬張簽證，簽發率創下歷史新高。我們很高興他們選擇在美國學習—他們的到來讓我們備感幸運。

And we’re lucky when the best global talent not only studies here but stays here – as more than 80 percent of Chinese students who pursue science and technology PhDs in the United States have done in recent years.  They help drive innovation here at home, and that benefits all of us.  We can stay vigilant about our national security without closing our doors.

同樣讓我們感到幸運的是，全球最優秀的人才不僅在美國學習，而且留在了這裡—近年來，在美國攻讀科技博士學位的中國學生中，有80%以上都如此選擇。他們協助推動美國的創新，讓我們所有人都從中受益。我們可以在不關閉國門的情況下，依舊對國家安全保持警惕。

We also know from our history that when we’re managing a challenging relationship with another government, people from that country or with that heritage can be made to feel that they don’t belong here – or that they’re our adversaries.  Nothing could be further from the truth.  Chinese Americans made invaluable contributions to our country; they’ve done so for generations.  Mistreating someone of Chinese descent goes against everything we stand for as a country – whether a Chinese national visiting or living here, or a Chinese American, or any other Asian American whose claim to this country is equal to anyone else’s.  Racism and hate have no place in a nation built by generations of immigrants to fulfill the promise of opportunity for all.

我們的歷史讓我們也知道，當我們處理與另一個政府之間富有挑戰性的關係時，來自那個國家或擁有該國血統的人會感到他們不屬於這裡—或者他們是我們的對手。事實絕非如此。華裔美國人為我們的國家做出寶貴貢獻，好幾個世代以來都是如此。不公正地對待一個有中國血統的人，違背了我們作為一個國家所代表的一切—無論到訪美國或是居住在這裡的中國公民，或是一個美籍華人，或者任何其他在這個國家享有與其他任何人等同權利的任何其他亞裔美國人。種族主義與仇恨在一個由幾代移民建立的國家中沒有立足之地，這個國家是為了實現「所有人都有機會」的承諾。

We have profound differences with the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Government.  But those differences are between governments and systems – not between our people.  The American people have great respect for the Chinese people.  We respect their achievements, their history, their culture.  We deeply value the ties of family and friendship that connect us.  And we sincerely wish for our governments to work together on issues that matter to their lives and to the lives of Americans, and for that matter the lives of people around the world.

我們與中國共產黨與中國政府存在深刻的分歧。但這些差異存在於政府與制度之間，而不是在我們的人民之間。美國民眾非常尊敬中國民眾。我們尊重他們的成就、他們的歷史、他們的文化。我們非常重視連接我們的家庭與友誼的聯繫。我們真誠地希望，我們的政府能就中國人民、美國人民乃至事關全世界人民生活的各項事務共同努力。

There’s another core source of national strength that we’ll be relying on in this decisive decade: our democracy. A hundred years ago, if asked what constitutes the wealth of a nation, we might list the expanse of our land, the size of our population, the strength of our military, the abundance of our natural resources.  And thankfully, we’re still wealthy in all of those attributes.  But more than ever, in this 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in our people – our human resources – and our ability to unleash their full potential.

在這個決定性的十年裡，我們將依賴另一個國家力量的核心來源：我們的民主。如果在一百年前問到「何者構成一個國家的財富」？我們可能會列出我們的廣闊土地、我們的眾多人口、我們的軍事力量、我們豐富的自然資源。幸運的是，我們在這些方面仍然富有。但到了21世紀，一個國家的真正財富比以往任何時候更重要的是我們的人民—我們的人力資源—以及我們充分發揮其潛力的能力。

We do that with our democratic system.  We debate, we argue, we disagree, we challenge each other, including our elected leaders.  We deal with our deficiencies openly; we don’t pretend they don’t exist or sweep them under the rug.  And though progress can feel painfully slow, can be difficult and ugly, by and large we consistently work toward a society where people from all backgrounds can flourish, guided by national values that unite, motivate, and uplift us.

我們通過我們的民主制度來做到這一點。我們相互爭論、辯論、彼此不同意、相互挑戰、甚至挑戰我們所選出的領導人。我們公開面對自己的不足之處，而不去假裝它們不存在，也從不把它們掩蓋起來。雖然進展可能緩慢的令人痛苦，甚至是艱難險惡，但總體而言，我們始終致力邁向一個來自各種背景的人們能在其中繁榮發展的社會，所有人的受到能夠團結、激勵並提升彼此的價值觀所指引。

We are not perfect.  But at our best, we always strive to be – in the words of our Constitution – a more perfect union.  Our democracy is designed to make that happen. That’s what the American people and the American model offer, and it’s one of the most powerful assets in this contest.

我們並不完美。但我們盡最大努力成為—用我們的憲法的話來說—一個更完美的聯邦。我們的民主就是為此而設計的。這就是美國人民與美國模式所提供的，也是這場競賽中最有力量的資產之一。

Now, Beijing believes that its model is the better one；that a party-led centralized system is more efficient, less messy, ultimately superior to democracy.  We do not seek to transform China’s political system.  Our task is to prove once again that democracy can meet urgent challenges, create opportunity, advance human dignity: that the future belongs to those who believe in freedom and that all countries will be free to chart their own paths without coercion.

現在，北京認為他們的模式更好；由一黨領導的中央集權制度更有效率、不那麼混亂，而且最終比民主更加優越。我們並不尋求改變中國的政治體制。我們的任務是再次證明，民主能夠應對緊迫的挑戰，創造機會，促進人類尊嚴；未來屬於那些相信自由的人們，所有國家都將在不受脅迫的情況下自由規劃自己的道路。

The second piece of our strategy is aligning with our allies and partners to advance a shared vision for the future. From day one, the Biden administration has worked to re-energize America’s unmatched network of alliances and partnerships and to re-engage in international institutions.  We’re encouraging partners to work with each other, and through regional and global organizations.  And we’re standing up new coalitions to deliver for our people and meet the tests of the century ahead.

我們戰略的第二部分是團結我們的盟友與夥伴結盟，推進對未來的共同願景。拜登政府從就職第一天起，就努力為美國無以倫比的聯盟及夥伴關係注入活力，並重新參與國際機構。我們鼓勵合作夥伴通過區域與全球組織相互合作。我們正在建立新的同盟，為我們的人民服務，迎接未來世紀的考驗。

Nowhere is this more true than in the Indo-Pacific region, where our relationships, including our treaty alliances, are among our strongest in the world. The United States shares the vision that countries and people across the region hold:  one of a free and open Indo-Pacific where rules are developed transparently and applied fairly；where countries are free to make their own sovereign decisions；where goods, ideas, and people flow freely across land, sky, cyberspace, the open seas, and governance is responsive to the people.

在印太地區尤其如此，我們在該區域的各項關係，其中包括我們的條約聯盟，是舉世最牢固的關係之一。美國與這個區域的國家與人民擁有共同的願景：一個自由開放的印太地區，各項規則以透明的方式制定並以公平的方式實行；各國能夠自由作出自己的主權決定；貨物、思想與人員在陸地、天空、網路與公海上自由流動，國家治理則對人民的要求做出回應。

President Biden reinforced these priorities this week with his trip to the region, where he reaffirmed our vital security alliances with South Korea and Japan, and deepened our economic and technology cooperation with both countries. He launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, a first-of-its-kind initiative for the region.  It will, in the President’s words, 「help all our countries’ economies grow faster and fairer.」  IPEF, as we call it, renews American economic leadership but adapts it for the 21st century by addressing cutting-edge issues like the digital economy, supply chains, clean energy, infrastructure, and corruption.  A dozen countries, including India, have already joined.  Together, IPEF members make up more than a third of the global economy.

拜登總統這個星期訪問印太區域時強調了這些優先事務，重申我們與南韓及日本至關重要的安全同盟關係，深化我們與這兩個國家的經濟與技術合作。拜登發起了《印太經濟繁榮框架》，這是該區域首個此類倡議。用總統的話說，這將「幫助我們所有國家的經濟成長更加快速與公平」。「印太經濟框架」通過解決數位經濟、供應鏈、清潔能源、基礎設施與腐敗等急迫問題，除了重振美國的經濟領導地位、也讓美國更加適應21世紀。包括印度在內的十幾個國家已經加入，印太經濟框架成員國總計超過全球經濟的三分之一。

The President also took part in the leaders’ summit of the Quad countries – Australia, Japan, India, the United States.  The Quad never met at the leader level before President Biden took office.  Since he convened the first leaders’ meeting last year, the Quad has held four summits.  It’s become a leading regional team.  This week, it launched a new Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness, so our partners across the region can better monitor the waters near their shores to address illegal fishing and protect their maritime rights and their sovereignty.

總統還參加了「四方安全對話」峰會—澳洲、日本、印度、美國。在拜登總統上台之前，「四方安全對話」從未舉行過領導人峰會。去年他召開首次領導人峰會以來，「四方安全對話」已經舉行了四場峰會，成為非常重要的區域團隊。本週，它啓動了一個新的印太海域意識夥伴關係，使得我們在整個區域的夥伴能夠更好地監測其海岸附近的水域，解決非法捕魚問題，並且保護其海洋權利與主權。

We’re reinvigorating our partnership with ASEAN.  Earlier this month, we hosted the U.S.-ASEAN Summit to take on urgent issues like public health and the climate crisis together.  This week, seven ASEAN countries became founding members of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  And we’re building bridges among our Indo-Pacific and European partners, including by inviting Asian allies to the NATO summit in Madrid next month. We’re enhancing peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific; for example, with the new security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, known as AUKUS.

我們正在爲我們與東協的夥伴關係注入活力。本月稍早，我們主辦了美國-東協峰會，共同討論公共衛生與氣候危機等緊迫問題。本週，七個東協國家成為印太經濟框架的創始成員國。我們正在我們的印太夥伴與歐洲夥伴之間架設橋梁，包括邀請亞洲盟友參加下個月在馬德里舉行的北約峰會。我們正在加強印太地區的和平與穩定；像是澳大利亞、英國與美國之間的新的安全夥伴關係「AUKUS」。

And we’re helping countries in the region and around the world defeat COVID-19.  To date, the United States has provided nearly $20 billion to the global pandemic response.  That includes more than 540 million doses of safe and effective vaccines donated – not sold – with no political strings attached, on our way to 1.2 billion doses worldwide.  And we’re coordinating with a group of 19 countries in a global action plan to get shots into arms. As a result of all of this diplomacy, we are more aligned with partners across the Indo-Pacific, and we’re working in a more coordinated way toward our shared goals.

我們正在幫助印太地區與世界各地的國家戰勝新冠病毒。迄今為止，美國已經為全球大流行的應對工作提供將近200億美元。包括超過5.4億劑安全有效的疫苗，我們免費捐贈—而非出售—這些疫苗，沒有附加任何政治條件，並且向全球提供12億劑疫苗的目標邁進。我們正與19個國家合作制定一項全球行動計劃，讓接種疫苗成為對抗疫情的利器。由於所有這些外交努力，我們與印太地區的合作夥伴更加一致，我們正以更加協調的方式朝著我們共同的目標努力。

We’ve also deepened our alignment across the Atlantic.  We launched the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council last year, marshaling the combined weight of nearly 50 percent of the world’s GDP.  Last week, I joined Secretary Raimondo, Ambassador Tai, and our European Commission counterparts for our second meeting to work together on new technology standards, coordinate on investment screening and export controls, strengthen supply chains, boost green tech, and improve food security and digital infrastructure in developing countries.

我們還加深了橫跨大西洋的聯盟。我們去年成立了美國-歐盟貿易與技術理事會，GDP總量接近全世界的50%。我上週與商務部長雷蒙多、貿易代表戴琦以及歐盟執委會的對等官員一起參加了我們的第二次會議，共同制定新的技術標準、協調投資審查與出口管制、加強供應鏈、推動綠色技術、改善發展中國家的糧食安全與數位基礎建設。

Meanwhile, we and our European partners set aside 17 years of litigation about aircraft; now, instead of arguing with each other, we’re working to secure a level playing field for our companies and workers in that sector.

與此同時，我們與我們的歐洲合作夥伴擱置了17年來有關飛機的訴訟；現在，我們不再互相爭吵，而是努力為我們的公司與該領域的勞工爭取一個公平的競爭環境。

Similarly, we worked with the European Union and others to resolve a dispute on steel and aluminum imports, and now we’re coming together around a shared vision on higher climate standards and protecting our workers and industries from Beijing’s deliberate efforts to distort the market to its advantage. We’re partnering with the European Union to protect our citizens’ privacy while strengthening a shared digital economy that depends on vast flows of data.

同樣，我們與歐盟與其他國家一起解決了鋼鋁進口的爭端，現在我們聚集在一起，就更高的氣候標準達成共識、保護我們的勞工與製造業不會受到北京為了自身利益故意扭曲市場的影響。我們正與歐盟合作，保護我們公民的隱私，並且強化依賴龐大數據流量的共享數位經濟。

With the G20, we reached a landmark deal on a global minimum tax to halt the  make sure that big corporations pay their fair share, and give countries even more resources to invest in their people.  More than 130 countries have signed on so far. We and our G7 partners are pursuing a coordinated, high-standard, and transparent approach to meet the enormous infrastructure needs in developing countries.

在G20峰會上，我們達成了一項具有里程碑意義的全球最低稅率協議，該協議旨在停止向下競爭，確保大公司支付公平的份額，給予各國更多投資於本國民眾的資源。迄今已有130多個國家簽署這份協定。我們與七國集團夥伴正在尋求一種相互協調、高標準與透明的方式，滿足發展中國家巨大的基礎設施需求。

We’ve convened global summits on defeating COVID-19 and renewing global democracy, and rejoined the UN Human Rights Council and the WHO, the World Health Organization. And at a moment of great testing, we and our allies have re-energized NATO, which is now as strong as ever.

我們召開了關於戰勝新冠疫情與重振全球民主的全球峰會，重新加入了聯合國人權理事會與世界衛生組織。在這個經受巨大考驗的時刻，我們與我們的盟友重新為北約注入活力，北約現在比以往任何時候都更加強大。

These actions are all aimed at defending and, as necessary, reforming the rules-based order that should benefit all nations. We want to lead a race to the top on tech, on climate, infrastructure, global health, and inclusive economic growth.  And we want to strengthen a system in which as many countries as possible can come together to cooperate effectively, resolve differences peacefully, write their own futures as sovereign equals.

這些行動都是為了捍衛並在必要時改革讓所有國家受益的基於規則的秩序。我們希望在科技、氣候、基礎設施、全球衛生與包容性經濟成長方面領跑。我們希望加強這樣一個體制，亦即讓盡可能多的國家能夠團結、有效合作、和平解決分歧，並且作為主權平等國家開創自己的未來。

Our diplomacy is based on partnership and respect for each other’s interests.  We don’t expect every country to have the exact same assessment of China as we do.  We know that many countries – including the United States – have vital economic or people-to-people ties with China that they want to preserve.  This is not about forcing countries to choose.  It’s about giving them a choice, so that, for example, the only option isn’t an opaque investment that leaves countries in debt, stokes corruption, harms the environment, fails to create local jobs or growth, and compromises countries’ exercise of their sovereignty.  We’ve heard firsthand about buyer’s remorse that these deals can leave behind.

我們的外交建立在夥伴關係與尊重彼此利益的基礎之上。我們不期望每個國家對中國的評價都與我們一樣。我們知道，包括美國在內的許多國家都與中國保持著至關重要的經濟或人民與人民的聯繫。這不是強迫各國做出選擇。這是給他們一個選擇機會—使它們不再被迫做出唯一選擇，選擇一種不透明的投資，致使其國家背負債務、助長腐敗、破壞環境、不能在當地創造就業或實現發展乃至無法行使國家主權。我們已經獲得這類交易讓買家後悔的第一手消息。

At every step, we’re consulting with our partners, listening to them, taking their concerns to heart, building solutions that address their unique challenges and priorities. There is growing convergence about the need to approach relations with Beijing with more realism.  Many of our partners already know from painful experience how Beijing can come down hard when they make choices that it dislikes.  Like last spring, when Beijing cut off Chinese students and tourists from traveling to Australia and imposed an 80 percent tariff on Australian barley exports, because Australia’s Government called for an independent inquiry into COVID’s origin.  Or last November, when Chinese Coast Guard vessels used water cannons to stop a resupply of a Philippine navy ship in the South China Sea.  Actions like these remind the world of how Beijing can retaliate against perceived opposition.

我們每走一步，就會與我們的合作夥伴磋商、傾聽他們的意見、把他們的擔憂放在心上，制定應對方案，解決他們特有的挑戰與優先事項。越來越多的人認識到，有必要以更加現實的態度處理與北京的關係。我們的許多合作夥伴已經從痛苦的經歷中瞭解，當他們做出北京不喜歡的選擇時，北京會如何大力施壓。像是去年春天，由於澳大利亞政府要求對新冠病毒進行獨立的溯源調查，中國政府禁止中國學生與遊客前往澳大利亞旅行，並對澳大利亞出口的大麥徵收80%的關稅。再如去年11月，中國海警的船隻使用高壓水炮阻止菲律賓軍艦在南海進行補給。這類行動提醒全世界，北京會如何報復他們所認知的對立行為。

There’s another area of alignment we share with our allies and partners: human rights. The United States stands with countries and people around the world against the genocide and crimes against humanity happening in the Xinjiang region, where more than a million people have been placed in detention camps because of their ethnic and religious identity.

我們與我們的盟友與夥伴還有另一個結盟領域：人權。美國與世界各國與民眾站在一起，反對在新疆發生的種族滅絕與反人類罪行，那裡有100多萬人因其種族與宗教身份被關進拘留所。

We stand together on Tibet, where the authorities continue to wage a brutal campaign against Tibetans and their culture, language, and religious traditions, and in Hong Kong, where the Chinese Communist Party has imposed harsh anti-democratic measures under the guise of national security.

我們對西藏抱持共同立場，中國當局在那裡持續進行殘酷壓制藏族人民及其文化、語言和宗教傳統的運動。在香港，中國共產黨以國家安全為藉口，實施嚴厲的反民主措施。

Now, Beijing insists that these are somehow internal matters that others have no right to raise.  That is wrong.  Its treatment of ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang and Tibet, along with many other actions, go against the core tenets of the UN Charter that Beijing constantly cites and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that all countries are meant to adhere to.

如今中國政府堅稱，這些問題屬於該國內政，其它國家無權干涉。這是不對的。因為中國對待新疆、西藏少數民族以及宗教少數群體等做法，都違背了北京一再援引的《聯合國憲章》核心原則以及所有國家都應該遵守的《世界人權宣言》。

Beijing’s quashing of freedom in Hong Kong violates its handover commitments, enshrined in a treaty deposited at the United Nations. We’ll continue to raise these issues and call for change – not to stand against China, but to stand up for peace, security, and human dignity.

北京對香港自由的壓制違反了他們在移交香港時的承諾，這些承諾寫進了保存在聯合國的條約。我們將繼續提出這些問題並且呼籲改變—不是要反對中國，而是捍衛和平、安全與人類的尊嚴。

That brings us to the third element of our strategy.  Thanks to increased investments at home and greater alignment with allies and partners, we are well-positioned to outcompete China in key areas. For example, Beijing wants to put itself at the center of global innovation and manufacturing, increase other countries’ technological dependence, and then use that dependence to impose its foreign policy preferences.  And Beijing is going to great lengths to win this contest – for example, taking advantage of the openness of our economies to spy, to hack, to steal technology and know-how to advance its military innovation and entrench its surveillance state.

這就引出了我們戰略的第三個要點。由於國內投資的增加以及與盟友及合作夥伴的聯繫更加緊密，我們在關鍵領域處於能夠超越中國的有利地位。例如，北京希望讓中國成為全球創新與製造業的中心，增加其他國家對其技術的依賴，然後利用這種依賴性來強化其外交政策的偏好。北京正竭盡全力贏得這場競賽—例如，利用我們經濟的開放性進行間諜活動、駭客攻擊、竊取技術與知識，以推進其軍事創新、並且鞏固其監視國家的地位。

So as we make sure the next wave of innovation is unleashed by the United States and our allies and partners, we’ll also protect ourselves against efforts to siphon off our ingenuity or imperil our security.

因此，當我們確保下一波創新浪潮由美國、我們的盟友與夥伴發起時，我們也將保護自己的創造不被盜用、安全不受威脅。

We’re sharpening our tools to safeguard our technological competitiveness.  That includes new and stronger export controls to make sure our critical innovations don’t end up in the wrong hands；greater protections for academic research, to create an open, secure, and supportive environment for science；better cyber defenses；stronger security for sensitive data；and sharper investment screening measures to defend companies and countries against Beijing’s efforts to gain access to sensitive technologies, data, or critical infrastructure；compromise our supply chains；or dominate key strategic sectors.

我們正在磨礪我們的工具，保護我們的技術競爭力。包括採用更新更有力的出口管制，確保我們的關鍵創新不會落入壞人手裡；加強對學術研究的保護，為科學創造一個開放、安全與具有支持性的環境；加強網路防禦；加強敏感數據的安全；加強投資審查措施，以保護企業與國家免於北京接近敏感技術、數據或關鍵基礎設施；破壞我們的供應鏈；或主導關鍵戰略部門。

We believe – and we expect the business community to understand – that the price of admission to China’s market must not be the sacrifice of our core values or long-term competitive and technological advantages.  We’re counting on businesses to pursue growth responsibly, assess risk soberly, and work with us not only to protect but to strengthen our national security.

我們相信—我們也希望商界能夠理解—進入中國市場的代價絕不該是犧牲我們的核心價值或長期的競爭與技術優勢。我們指望企業負責任地追求成長，冷靜評估風險，並與我們一起努力，不僅保護也要加強我們的國家安全。

For too long, Chinese companies have enjoyed far greater access to our markets than our companies have in China.  For example, Americans who want to read the China Daily or communicate via WeChat are free to do so, but The New York Times and Twitter are prohibited for the Chinese people, except those working for the government who use these platforms to spread propaganda and disinformation.  American companies operating in China have been subject to systematic forced technology transfer, while Chinese companies in America have been protected by our rule of law.  Chinese filmmakers can freely market their movies to American theater owners without any censorship by the U.S. Government, but Beijing strictly limits the number of foreign movies allowed in the Chinese market, and those that are allowed are subjected to heavy-handed political censorship.  China’s businesses in the United States don’t fear using our impartial legal system to defend their rights – in fact, they’re frequently in court asserting claims against the United States Government.  The same isn’t true for foreign firms in China. This lack of reciprocity is unacceptable and it’s unsustainable.

長期以來，中國企業進入我們市場的機會遠遠大於我們的公司進入中國市場。比方說，想要閱讀《中國日報》或通過微信交流的美國人可以自由地這樣做，但中國民眾卻不允許閱讀《紐約時報》與推特—除了是那些為政府工作的人，他們利用這些平台散佈宣傳與虛假消息。在中國經營的美國公司受到系統性的強制技術轉讓，而在美國的中國公司則受到我們的法治所保護。中國的電影製片人可以自由向美國電影院推銷他們的電影，不受美國政府的任何審查，但北京嚴格限制允許進入中國市場的外國電影數量，被允許進入的電影則會受到嚴厲的政治審查。中國在美國的企業並不害怕利用我們公正的法律體系來捍衛他們的權利—事實上，他們經常在法庭上對美國政府提出索賠。對於在中國的外國公司來說，情況並非如此。缺乏互惠是不可接受的，也是不可持續的。

Or consider what happened in the steel market.  Beijing directed massive over-investment by Chinese companies, which then flooded the global market with cheap steel.  Unlike U.S. companies and other market-oriented firms, Chinese companies don’t need to make a profit – they just get another injection of state-owned bank credit when funds are running low.  Plus, they do little to control pollution or protect the rights of their workers, which also keeps costs down.  As a consequence, China now accounts for more than half of global steel production, driving U.S. companies – as well as factories in India, Mexico, Indonesia, Europe, and elsewhere – out of the market.

或者考慮一下鋼材市場遭遇的情況。中國政府引導中國企業進行大規模的超量投資，使得廉價鋼材充斥全球市場。與美國企業與其他市場導向型企業不同，中國企業不需要盈利—當資金不足時，它們只需再次注入來自國有銀行的信貸。此外，他們在控制污染或保護勞權方面做得很少，這也降低了成本。其結果是，中國現在佔全球鋼鐵材產量的一半以上，將美國—以及印度、墨西哥、印尼、歐洲與其他地方的工廠—趕出了市場。

We’ve seen this same model when it comes to solar panels, electric car batteries – key sectors of the 21st century economy that we cannot allow to become completely dependent on China. Economic manipulations like these have cost American workers millions of jobs.  And they’ve harmed the workers and firms of countries around the world.  We will push back on market-distorting policies and practices, like subsidies and market access barriers, which China’s government has used for years to gain competitive advantage.  We’ll boost supply chain security and resilience by reshoring production or sourcing materials from other countries in sensitive sectors like pharmaceuticals and critical minerals, so that we’re not dependent on any one supplier.  We’ll stand together with others against economic coercion and intimidation.  And we will work to ensure that U.S. companies don’t engage in commerce that facilitates or benefits from human rights abuses, including forced labor.

在太陽能板、電動汽車電池等21世紀經濟的關鍵領域，我們已經看到了同樣的模式，我們不能允許這些領域完全依賴中國。像這樣的經濟操縱已經讓美國勞工失去了數百萬個工作機會。他們傷害了世界各國的勞工與公司。我們反對扭曲市場的政策與做法，像是補貼與市場准入的壁壘，這些都是中國政府多年來藉以獲得競爭優勢的手段。我們將通過回流生產或從其他敏感行業如製藥與關鍵礦物的國家採購材料，來提高供應鏈的安全性與彈性，這樣我們就不會依賴任何一個供應商。我們將與其他國家站在一起反對經濟脅迫與恐嚇。我們還將努力確保美國公司不會從事助長或受益於包括強迫勞動在內的侵犯人權行為的商業活動。

In short, we’ll fight for American workers and industry with every tool we have – just as we know that our partners will fight for their workers. The United States does not want to sever China’s economy from ours or from the global economy – though Beijing, despite its rhetoric, is pursuing asymmetric decoupling, seeking to make China less dependent on the world and the world more dependent on China.  For our part, we want trade and investment as long as they’re fair and don’t jeopardize our national security.  China has formidable economic resources, including a highly capable workforce.  We’re confident that our workers, our companies will compete successfully – and we welcome that competition – on a level playing field.

簡而言之，我們將運用我們擁有的一切工具為美國勞工與製造業而戰—正如我們知道我們的合作夥伴將為他們的勞工而戰一樣。美國並不想將中國經濟從我們的經濟或全球經濟中分離出去—無論北京怎麼說，他們正在尋求一種不對稱的脫鈎，試圖讓中國減少對世界的依賴，卻讓世界更加依賴中國。對我們來說，我們希望進行貿易與投資，只要它們是公平的、並且不會危害我們的國家安全。中國擁有強大的經濟資源，包括高素質的勞動力。我們相信，我們的勞工與公司將在公平的競爭環境中成功地從事競爭，我們也歡迎這種競爭。

So as we push back responsibly on unfair technology and economic practices, we’ll work to maintain economic and people-to-people ties connecting the United States and China, consistent with our interests and our values.  Beijing may not be willing to change its behavior.  But if it takes concrete action to address the concerns that we and many other countries have voiced, we will respond positively. Competition need not lead to conflict.  We do not seek it.  We will work to avoid it.  But we will defend our interests against any threat.

因此，當我們負責任地反擊不公平的技術與經濟行為時，我們將努力維持連接美國與中國的經濟與人民對人民的聯繫，這符合我們的利益與價值觀。北京可能不願意改變自己的行為。但是，如果它採取具體行動來解決我們與許多其他國家所表達的關切，我們將作出積極回應。競爭不一定導致衝突，我們也不謀求衝突。我們將努力避免發生這種情況。但我們會保護我們的利益不受任何威脅。

To that end, President Biden has instructed the Department of Defense to hold China as its pacing challenge, to ensure that our military stays ahead.  We’ll seek to preserve peace through a new approach that we call “integrated deterrence” – bringing in allies and partners; working across the conventional, the nuclear, space, and informational domains; drawing on our reinforcing strengths in economics, in technology, and in diplomacy.

為此，拜登總統已經指示國防部將中國視為正在迫近的挑戰，確保我們的軍隊保持領先。我們將尋求通過一種我們稱為「綜合威懾」的新方法—引入盟友與合作夥伴—來維護和平；在常規、核武、太空與資訊等領域開展工作；並且利用我們在經濟、技術與外交方面的強大實力。

The administration is shifting our military investments away from platforms that were designed for the conflicts of the 20th century toward asymmetric systems that are longer-range, harder to find, easier to move.  We’re developing new concepts to guide how we conduct military operations.  And we’re diversifying our force posture and global footprint, fortifying our networks, critical civilian infrastructure, and space-based capabilities.  We’ll help our allies and partners in the region with their own asymmetric capabilities, too.

拜登政府正在將我們的軍事投資從為20世紀的衝突而設計的平台，轉向能夠投射更遠、更難被發現、更容易移動的不對稱系統。我們正在發展指導我們如何進行軍事行動的新概念。我們正在讓我們的軍事態勢與全球足跡更加多元化，鞏固我們的網路，關鍵的民用基礎設施與太空能力。我們也將幫助我們在印太地區的盟友與合作夥伴，使他們擁有自己的不對稱能力。

We’ll continue to oppose Beijing’s aggressive and unlawful activities in the South and East China Seas.  Nearly six years ago, an international tribunal found that Beijing’s claims in the South China Sea have no basis in international law.  We’ll support the region’s coastal states in upholding their maritime rights.  We’ll work with allies and partners to uphold freedom of navigation and overflight, which has enabled the region’s prosperity for decades.  And we’ll continue to fly and sail wherever international law allows.

我們將繼續反對北京在南海與東海的侵略與非法活動。將近6年前，國際法庭曾裁定北京在南海的主權聲索不具有國際法的依據。我們將支持該區域的沿海國家維護他們的海洋權利。我們將與盟友與合作夥伴共同努力，維護航行與飛越自由，這使該地區幾十年來一直繁榮昌盛。我們將繼續在國際法允許的範圍內飛行與航行。

On Taiwan, our approach has been consistent across decades and administrations.  As the President has said, our policy has not changed. The United States remains committed to our “one China” policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, the Six Assurances.  We oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side; we do not support Taiwan independence; and we expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means.

在台灣問題上，我們的做法與過去幾十年的歷屆政府始終如一。正如拜登總統所說，我們的政策並未改變。美國仍然堅持「一個中國」政策，此一政策由《與台灣關係法》、中美三個聯合公報與六項保證所指導。我們反對任何一方單方面改變現狀；我們不支持台灣獨立；我們希望兩岸的分歧以和平方式解決。

We continue to have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.  We’ll continue to uphold our commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability – and, as indicated in the TRA, to “maintain our capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security or the social or economic system, of Taiwan.”  We enjoy a strong unofficial relationship with Taiwan, a vibrant democracy and leading economy in the region.  We’ll continue to expand our cooperation with Taiwan on our many shared interests and values, support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in the international community, deepen our economic ties, consistent with our “one China” policy.

台灣海峽兩岸的和平與穩定依舊符合我們的持久利益。我們將繼續履行我們在《台灣關係法》中的承諾，協助台灣保持足夠的自衛能力，並如《台灣關係法》所述，「維持我們抵抗任何訴諸武力、或者可能危及台灣安全或社會經濟體制的其他形式脅迫的能力」。台灣擁有充滿活力的民主體制，也是該區域主要的經濟體，我們與其擁有非常穩固的非官方關係。我們將繼續擴大與台灣在許多共同利益與價值觀上的合作，支持台灣有意義地參與國際社會，深化我們與台灣的經濟聯繫，這種做法也符合我們的「一個中國」政策。

While our policy has not changed, what has changed is Beijing’s growing coercion – like trying to cut off Taiwan’s relations with countries around the world and blocking it from participating in international organizations.  And Beijing has engaged in increasingly provocative rhetoric and activity, like flying PLA aircraft near Taiwan on an almost daily basis.  These words and actions are deeply destabilizing；they risk miscalculation and threaten the peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait.  As we saw from the President’s discussions with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, maintaining peace and stability across the strait is not just a U.S. interest；it is a matter of international concern, critical to regional and global security and prosperity.

雖然我們的政策沒有改變，真正改變的卻是北京日益增長的脅迫—像是試圖切斷台灣與世界各國的關係，阻止台灣參與國際組織。北京的言論與行動日益挑釁，像是幾乎每天都有解放軍機在台灣附近飛行。這些言論與行動嚴重破壞穩定，造成誤判風險，威脅台海的和平與穩定。正如我們從拜登總統與印太盟友及夥伴的討論中所看到的，維護台海兩岸的和平穩定不僅符合美國利益，也是深受國際關注的問題，對區域與全球的安全繁榮至關重要。

As President Biden likes to say, the only conflict worse than an intended one is an unintended one.  We’ll manage this relationship responsibly to prevent that from happening.  We’ve prioritized crisis communications and risk reduction measures with Beijing.  And on this issue – and every other – we remain committed to intense diplomacy alongside intense competition.

如同拜登總統經常說的，唯一比故意發動的戰爭更糟糕的，就是無意間挑起的衝突。我們將負責任地管理這段關係，防止這種情況發生。我們已將與北京的危機溝通與降低風險措施列為優先事項。在這個問題上，以及在其他所有問題上，我們繼續致力在激烈競爭的同時展開積極外交。

Even as we invest, align, and compete, we’ll work together with Beijing where our interests come together.  We can’t let the disagreements that divide us stop us from moving forward on the priorities that demand that we work together, for the good of our people and for the good of the world. That starts with climate.  China and the United States had years of stalemate on climate, which gridlocked the world – but also periods of progress, which galvanized the world.  The climate diplomacy channel launched in 2013 between China and the United States unleashed global momentum that produced the Paris Agreement.  Last year at COP26, the world’s hopes were buoyed when the United States and China issued our Glasgow Joint Declaration to work together to address emissions from methane to coal.

即使在我們投資、結盟與競爭的同時，我們也會在利益相互一致的領域與北京合作。為了我們人民與全世界的福祉，我們不能讓造成我們分裂的分歧阻止我們在需要共同努力的優先事項上取得進展。這將從從氣候問題開始。中國與美國多年來在氣候危機上陷入僵局，也讓世界陷入僵局，但過去確實也一度有所進展、激勵了整個世界。2013年啓動的中美氣候外交管道釋放了催生《巴黎協定》的動力。在去年的第26屆聯合國氣候變化大會上，美國與中國發表了《格拉斯哥聯合聲明》，誓言共同努力解決從甲烷到煤炭的排放問題，也給世界帶來希望。

Climate is not about ideology.  It’s about math.  There’s simply no way to solve climate change without China’s leadership, the country that produces 28 percent of global emissions.  The International Energy Agency has made clear that if China sticks with its current plan and does not peak its emissions until 2030, then the rest of the world must go to zero by 2035.  And that’s simply not possible.

氣候問題與意識形態無關，而是數學問題。沒有中國發揮領導作用，根本無法解決氣候變化問題，因為這個國家的排放量佔全球的28% 。國際能源機構已明確表示，如果中國堅持目前的計劃，直到2030年之前都不會達到排放峰值，那麼世界其它地方想在2035年前實現零排放，根本是不可能的。

Today about 20 nations are responsible for 80 percent of emissions.  China is number one.  The United States is number two.  Unless we all do much more, much faster, the financial and human cost will be catastrophic.  Plus, competing on clean energy and climate policy can produce results that benefit everyone. The progress that the United States and China make together – including through the working group established by the Glasgow Declaration – is vital to our success in avoiding the worst consequences of this crisis.  I urge China to join us in accelerating the pace of these shared efforts.

今天大約有20個國家要對80%的排放負責。中國排名第一，美國第二。除非我們所有人都做得更多、更快，否則財政與人力成本將是一場災難。此外，在清潔能源與氣候政策上的競爭可以產生有益各方的結果。美國與中國共同取得的進展—包括通過《格拉斯哥宣言》設立的工作組所取得的進展—對於我們避免這場危機的最糟後果至關重要。我敦促中方與我們一起，加快這些共同努力的步伐。

Likewise, on the COVID-19 pandemic, our fates are linked.  And our hearts go out to the Chinese people as they deal with this latest wave.  We’ve been through our own deeply painful ordeal with COVID.  That’s why we’re so convinced that all countries need to work together to vaccinate the world – not in exchange for favors or political concessions, but for the simple reason that no country will be safe until all are safe.  And all nations must transparently share data and samples – and provide access to experts – for new variants and emerging and re-emerging pathogens, to prevent the next pandemic even as we fight the current one.

同樣地，在新冠疫情中我們的命運緊密相連。當中國民眾應對最新一波疫情所遭受的苦難我們深表同情。我們也經歷過新冠疫情帶來的深刻痛苦。這就是我們為何堅信，所有國家都需要一同努力為全世界接種疫苗—不是為了換取好處或者作出政治讓步，而是出於一個簡單的原因：直到所有人都安全之前，沒有哪一個國家是安全的。所有國家都必須透明地共享數據與樣本—並且讓專家能夠接觸這些資訊—為了新的變種病毒與新出現與一再出現的病原體，為了防止下一次大流行，即便我們仍在與當前的疫情進行對抗。

On nonproliferation and arms control, it’s in all of our interests to uphold the rules, the norms, the treaties that have reduced the spread of weapons of mass destruction.  China and the United States must keep working together, and with other countries, to address Iran and North Korea’s nuclear programs.  And we remain ready to discuss directly with Beijing our respective responsibilities as nuclear powers.

在核不擴散與軍備控制方面，維護減少大規模殺傷性武器擴散的規則、規範與條約符合我們所有各方的利益。中國與美國必須繼續共同合作，並與其他國家一起解決伊朗與北韓的核問題。我們仍然願意與北京直接討論我們各自作為核武大國的責任。

To counter illegal and illicit narcotics, especially synthetic opioids like fentanyl that killed more than 100,000 Americans last year, we want to work with China to stop international drug trafficking organizations from getting precursor chemicals, many of which originate in China.

為了打擊非法與非法麻醉品，尤其是像芬太尼這樣的合成鴉片類藥物，去年有超過10萬美國人因此喪命。我們希望與中國合作，阻止國際販毒組織獲取這些毒品的前驅物，其中許多此類化學品都源自中國。

As a global food crisis threatens people worldwide, we look to China – a country that’s achieved great things in agriculture – to help with a global response.  Last week at the United Nations, the United States convened a meeting of foreign ministers to strengthen global food security.  We extended an invitation to China to join.  We’ll continue to do so.

當全球糧食危機威脅到世界各地的民眾，我們期待中國—一個在農業方面取得巨大成就的國家—協助全球應對這項問題。美國上周在聯合國召開了一次外長會議，希望能加強全球糧食安全。我們邀請了中國加入，我們將繼續這樣做。

And as the world’s economy recovers from the devastation of the pandemic, global macroeconomic coordination between the United States and China is key – through the G20, the IMF, other venues, and of course, bilaterally.  That comes with the territory of being the world’s two largest economies.

隨著世界經濟從疫情造成的破壞中復甦，美國與中國之間的全球總體經濟的協調是其中關鍵—通過20國集團、國際貨幣基金組織與其他管道，當然還有雙邊行動。作為世界上最大的兩個經濟體，這是它們應負的責任。

In short, we’ll engage constructively with China wherever we can, not as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but because working together to solve great challenges is what the world expects from great powers, and because it’s directly in our interest.  No country should withhold progress on existential transnational issues because of bilateral differences.

總之，我們將在任何我們能夠做到的地方與中國進行建設性的接觸，不是為了幫助我們自己或是其他任何人，這也不會以背離我們的原則作為代價，而是因為合作解決重大挑戰是世界對大國的期望，這也直接關乎我們的利益。任何國家都不應因為彼此分歧，在解決危急人類生存的跨國問題時構成阻礙。

The scale and the scope of the challenge posed by the People’s Republic of China will test American diplomacy like nothing we’ve seen before.  I’m determined to give the State Department and our diplomats the tools that they need to meet this challenge head on as part of my modernization agenda.  This includes building a China House – a department-wide integrated team that will coordinate and implement our policy across issues and regions, working with Congress as needed.  And here, I must mention an outstanding team at our embassy in Beijing and our consulates across China, led by Ambassador Nick Burns.  They do exceptional work every day, and many have been doing their jobs in recent weeks through these intense COVID lockdowns.  Despite extreme conditions, they’ve persisted.  We’re grateful for this terrific team.

中華人民共和國帶來的挑戰，其規模與範圍對於美國的外交構成前所未有的考驗。作為我提出的現代化議程的一部分，我決定給國務院與我們的外交官提供他們所需的工具來迎接這項挑戰。這包括成立一個中國小組—一個由國務院所有部門共同組建的團隊，跨越不同問題與地區來協調與執行我們的政策，必要時與國會合作。我必須提到尼克‧伯恩斯大使領導所領導的北京大使館與我們在中國各地領事館的優秀團隊。他們每天從事非凡的工作，最近幾周，許多人更在嚴格的新冠疫情封控措施下來完成任務。儘管條件嚴苛，他們還是堅守崗位。我們很感激這個出色的團隊。

I’ve never been more convinced about the power and the purpose of American diplomacy or sure about our capacity to meet the challenges of this decisive decade.  To the American people：let’s recommit to investing in our core strengths, in our people, in our democracy, in our innovative spirit.  As President Biden often says, it’s never a good bet to bet against America.  But let’s bet on ourselves and win the competition for the future.

我從未如此確信美國外交的力量與目的，也從未如此確信我們有能力迎接這個決定性十年的挑戰。致美國人民：讓我們再次承諾投資我們的核心力量、我們的人民、我們的民主與我們的創新精神。正如拜登總統經常說的，與美國對賭從來都不是一個好選擇。不如讓我們把賭注壓在自己身上，贏得未來的競爭。

To countries around the world committed to building an open, secure, and prosperous future, let’s work in common cause to uphold the principles that make our shared progress possible and stand up for the right of every nation to write its own future.  And to the people of China:  we’ll compete with confidence; we’ll cooperate wherever we can; we’ll contest where we must.  We do not see conflict.

對於致力於建設開放、安全與繁榮未來的所有國家，讓我們為了共同的事業一起努力，堅持讓我們得以共同進步的原則，捍衛每個國家創造自己未來的權利。對於中國人民：我們將充滿信心地競爭；我們將在任何可能的地方合作；我們將在必要的地方競爭，但我們並不尋求衝突。

There’s no reason why our great nations cannot coexist peacefully, and share in and contribute to human progress together.  That’s what everything I’ve said today boils down to：advancing human progress, leaving to our children a world that’s more peaceful, more prosperous, and more free.

Thank you very much for listening.

我們這兩個偉大的國家沒有理由不能和平共處，共同分享與促進人類的進步。這就是我今天演說的要點：推動人類的進步，給我們的孩子留下一個更加和平、更加繁榮、更加自由的世界。（相關報導：備戰中國！美國與盟邦如何幫助台灣？國防專家揭示烏克蘭「豪豬戰略」抗俄經驗｜更多文章）

非常感謝大家的聆聽。