20220520 密克羅尼西亞總統Panuelo致太平洋群島領袖的信函 Taimocracy翻譯

The Letter to Pacific Island Leaders

by
David W. Panuelo
The President of
Federated States of Micronesia

May 20,2022
Taimocracy 翻譯

My dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

I bring you warmest greetings from the Paradise in Our Backyards, the Federated States of Micronesia. At the outset, I wish to emphasize my deepest respect to you, your office, and to your Government and People. The People and Government of the Federated States of Micronesia collectively wish for your People’s good health and prosperity, and extends to you all that which we seek: peace, friendship, cooperation, and love in our common humanity.  我從我們後院的天堂密克羅尼西亞聯邦向您致以最熱烈的問候。首先，我想強調我對你們、你們的辦公室以及你們的政府和人民最深切的敬意。密克羅尼西亞聯邦人民和政府共同祝福你們人民身體健康、繁榮昌盛，並將我們所牟取的一切都延伸到你們身上：在我們共同的人性中的和平、友誼、合作和愛。

 

My dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, I am writing to you today—the Head of Government of each member of the Pacific Islands Forum, the Micronesian Presidents Summit, and the Pacific Island Conference of Leaders—as there is a topic of truly regional importance I wish to bring to your attention. I respectfully and humbly solicit your kind attention to what I wish to share with you, which I believe is the single-most game-changing proposed agreement in the Pacific in any of our lifetimes.  我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，我今天寫信給你們——太平洋島國論壇、密克羅尼西亞總統峰會和太平洋島國領導人會議每個成員的政府領袖——因為有一個真正具有區域重要性的話題，我想提請大家注意。我恭恭敬敬地懇請大家關注我希望與您分享的內容，我相信這是我們有生之年，在太平洋地區提出的最能改變遊戲規則的協議。

 

Before continuing further, I should begin by confirming why I feel obligated to write to you all on this topic and in this manner. The foreign policy of the Federated States of Micronesia is to be a friend to all, and an enemy to none. We believe that Climate Change represents the single-most existential security risk to our islands, and that geopolitics at large threaten to take away the focus from the greatest challenge of our times. Additionally, my country is the only sovereign Pacific Island Country in the world that has both a Great Friendship with the People’s Republic of China as well as an Enduring Partnership, demonstrated by our Compact of Free Association, with the United States of America. We have ceaselessly advocated for joint China-US cooperation on tackling Climate Change; and we have ceaselessly advocated for joint China-US promotion of peace and harmony in our Blue Pacific Continent. My country’s unique context, believe, compels me to speak. Where yesterday I condemned the former U.S. President for his January 6th, 2021, insurrection effort, today I feel obligated to warm you all of what I foresee coming from China tomorrow.  首先，我應該先確認為什麼我有義務以這種方式就這個主題給大家寫信。密克羅尼西亞聯邦的外交政策是與所有人為友，不與任何人為敵。我們認為，氣候變化是我們島嶼面臨的最大的生存安全風險，而地緣政治大致上可能會轉移人們對我們這個時代最大挑戰的關注。此外，我國是世界上唯一一個既與中華人民共和國建立偉大友誼，又與美利堅合眾國建立持久夥伴關係的主權太平洋島國。我們不斷倡導中美共同應對氣候變化；我們不斷倡導中美共同促進我們藍色太平洋大陸的和平與和諧。我國獨特的情勢與信念迫使我發言。昨天我譴責這美國前總統在 2021年1月6日 的叛亂行為，今天我覺得有義務溫暖你們所有我預見到的明天來自中國的東西。

 

On or around April 12nd, 2022, I was informed by our Department of Foreign Affairs of a forthcoming meeting to be held on May 30, 2022, between the People’s Republic of China and the ten Pacific Island Countries it has diplomatic relations with, formally titled the 2nd PRC-PICS Foreign Ministers Meeting. It is noteworthy that, for many Pacific Island Countries, the Foreign Minister is also the Prime Minister. It is also noteworthy that the meeting would conclude with the Foreign Minister of China, the Honorable Wang Yi, visiting each country that has diplomatic relations with China. The meeting, to be jointly hosted by the Republic of Fiji, would conclude: with the adoption of two documents, which I have appended to my letter for the benefit of Pacific Islands who do not have diplomatic relations with China, such as the Republic of Tuvalu and others.  2022年4月12日前後，我外交部通知我，中華人民共和國與與其建交的十個太平洋島國將於2022年5月30日舉行會議，正式名稱為第二屆PRC-PICS外長會議。值得注意的是，對於許多太平洋島國來說，中國的外長就是中國總理。值得一提的是，會議結束時，中國外交部長王毅閣下將訪問每個與中國建交的國家。由斐濟共和國聯合主辦的會議將結束：透過兩份文件，以惠及與中國沒有外交關係的太平洋島國，例如斐濟共和國、吐瓦魯等國。我已將其附在我的信函中。

 

One of these documents, the China-Pacific Island Countries Common Development Vision, essentially amounts 10 a pre-written and pre-determined Joint Communiqué or outcomes document of the meeting, and the other is a five-year plan for implementing the outcomes into action.  文件之一，中國—太平洋島國共同發展願景，實質上相當於10份為本次會議預先寫就和預先決定的聯合公報或成果文件，而另一個是付諸行動的五年計劃。

 

The language of these documents is a sign that China has faithfully done its homework, as the choice of words are, on their face and at first glance, attractive to many of us—perhaps all of us. They speak of democracy and equity and freedom and justice, and compare and contrast these ideas with concepts that we, as Pacific Islands, would want to align ourselves with, such as sustainable development, tackling Climate Change, and economic growth. Where the problems arise are in the details, and the details suggest that China is seeking to do exactly what I warned of in my September 2020 address at the United Nations General Assembly: to acquire access and control of our region, with the result being the fracturing of regional peace, security, and stability, all while in the name of accomplishing precisely that task.  這些文件的用語表明了中國已不折不扣地完成準備，因為精選的措辭，從表面上看，對我們許多人——也許是我們所有人——都具有吸引力。他們談到民主、公平、自由和正義，並將這些想法與我們太平洋島國希望與之保持一致的概念進行比較和對比，例如可持續發展、應對氣候變化和經濟增長。關鍵在細節上，這些細節表明，如我在2020年9月聯合國大會上發表講話時的警告：中國正在牟取獲得我們地區的滲入和和控制，其結果是破壞地區和平、安全與穩定，而所有這些都是為了完成這一任務。

 

Brothers and Sisters, 兄弟姐妹們，

 

If you have not already, it is worth reviewing the attached documents before reading the rest of my letter. Presuming that you are familiar with their contents, I shall summarize some of them.  如果你們還未曾閱讀過，那麼在閱讀我信函的其餘部分前，值得先檢視一下隨附的文件。若大家熟悉它們，我將總結其中的一些內容。

 

The China-Pacific Island Countries Common Development Vision seeks to fundamentally alter what used to be bilateral relations with China into multilateral relations, which it accomplishes by referring to all of the Pacific countries with diplomatic relations with China as “one side” while, in the same breath, describing how every country is equal, regardless of size.  中國—太平洋島國共同發展願景，旨在從根本上將過去與中國的雙邊關係改變為多邊關係，將所有與中國建交的太平洋國家稱為「一方」，而在同時中國卻描述每個國家無論大小，都是平等的。

 

The Common Development Vision then seeks to ensure Chinese control of “traditional and non- traditional security” of our islands, including through law enforcement training, supplying, and joint enforcement efforts, which can be used for the protection of Chinese assets and citizens. It suggests “cooperation on network governance and cyber-security” and “equal emphasis on development and security” and that there shall be “economic development and protection of national security and public interests.”  共同發展願景，旨在確保中國對我們島嶼的「傳統和非傳統安全」的控制，包括透過執法培訓、供應和聯合執法努力，可用於保護中國資產和公民。提出「網路治理與網路安全合作」，「發展與安全並重」，「發展經濟，維護國家安全和公共利益」。

 

The Common Development Vision seeks to ensure Chinese influence in Government through “collaborative” policy planning and political exchanges, including diplomatic training, in addition to an increase in Chinese media relationships in the Pacific, and the construction of Confucius Institutes. It describes Chinese-influenced policies and legislation with the explicit intention to align the Belt & Road Initiative (a Chinese strategy) with the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent (a Pacific strategy).  共同發展願景，意在透過「共同」政策規劃和政治交流，包括外交培訓、增加中國在太平洋地區的媒體關係以及建設孔子學院，確保中國在政府中的影響力。它描述了受中國影響的政策和立法，其明確意圖是使「一帶一路倡議」（中國的戰略）與2050年「藍色太平洋大陸戰略」（太平洋戰略）保持一致。

 

The Common Development Vision seeks Chinese control and ownership of our communications infrastructure, as well as customs and quarantine infrastructure (hence the terms “smart customs” and “smart quarantine” in the text), for the purpose of bio-data collection and mass surveillance of those residing in, entering, and leaving our islands, ostensibly to occur in part through cyber-security partnership.  共同發展願景牟取中國控制和擁有我們的通信基礎設施，以及海關和檢疫基礎設施（因此在文中使用「智慧海關」和「智慧檢疫」等術語），以收集生物數據和進行大規模監控那些居住、進入和離開我們島嶼的人，表面上部分是透過網路安全夥伴關係發生的。

 

The Common Development Vision seeks Chinese economic control of our collective fisheries and extractive resource sectors, including through free trade agreements, marine spatial planning, deep-sea mining, and extensive public and private sector loan-taking through the Belt & Road Initiative via the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. The Common Development Vision explicitly seeks to undermine the international rules-based order by developing a “new form of international relations featuring mutual respect, equity, justice, and win-win cooperation and China seeks to do this vis-à-vis upholding multilateralism and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter” to its benefit.  共同發展願景中國牟取我們集體漁業和採掘資源部門的經濟控制，包括透過自由貿易協定、海洋空間規劃、深海採礦，以及透過亞洲基礎設施投資銀行、一帶一路倡議廣泛的對公共和私營部門貸款。共同發展願景明確透過發展「相互尊重、公平正義、合作共贏的新型國際關係，來破壞以規則為基礎的國際秩序，而中國則試圖透過維護多邊主義和聯合國憲章的宗旨和原則」牟自利。

 

While some elements of the Common Development Vision are not necessarily malign in intent, concerns become heightened with the right information. As an example, China correctly describes upholding the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change as the “primary channel for [Climate] negotiations,” and to jointly promote the full and effective implementation of the Paris Agreement. Notably, however, China's Paris Agreement pledges do not describe when China expects to reach peak CO2 emissions, the level at which their emissions would peak, or how long they would plateau before starting to drop. China has committed to reaching carbon neutrality in 2060, which is beyond the actionable remaining lifetimes of most contemporary adults, including myself and each of us in receipt of this letter, and so a promise whose makers cannot be held to account for if it doesn’t come to pass.  雖然共同發展願景的某些要素在意圖上不一定是惡意的，但正確的信息會加劇人們的擔憂。例如，中國精準的將維護《聯合國氣候變化框架公約》作為「[氣候]談判的主要管道」，共同推動《巴黎協定》全面有效實施。然而，值得注意的是，中國的《巴黎協定》承諾並未說明中國預計二氧化碳排放量何時會達到峰值、其排放量將達到峰值水平，或者在開始下降之前將達到穩定多長時間。中國已承諾在2060年實現碳中和，這超出了大多數當代成年人（包括我自己和收到這封信的我們每個人）的可行剩餘壽命，因此，假使中國不履行承諾，我們也無法追究其制訂者的責任。

 

My dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

I asked every member of my Cabinet, as well as my Nation's diplomatic corps, what they thought of Chinas proposed agreement—which, though not legally binding, is demonstrative of China's intention to shift Pacific allegiances in their direction.  我詢問了我的每一位內閣成員以及我國的外交人員，他們對中國提出的協議有何看法——該協議雖然不具有法律約束力，但表明中國打算將太平洋國家轉向他們效忠。

 

My Cabinet recommend to me “serious caution” regarding China developing a marine spatial plan on behalf of the Pacific, and that the “vision for a China-PICS free trade area is disingenuous.” It is suggested that the “FSM should maintain its own bilateral agenda for development and engagement with China,” and that we should “make sure nothing gives China the idea that they can do anything (marine research, security arrangement, business investment in the FSM) at their will and at any time.” It is suggested to me that “it i high time for the FSM to begin resisting” the initiatives within these documents, which are “in support of China’s hidden agenda.” It was noted that “we should be cautious to let China get their feet too far into our Nation.”  我的內閣建議我對中國代表太平洋制定海洋空間計劃「非常謹慎」，並且「中國-PICS自由貿易區的願景是虛偽的」。建議「密克羅尼西亞聯邦應保持自己的雙邊發展議程和與中國接觸”，並且我們應該“確保沒有任何事情讓中國認為他們可以做任何事情（海洋研究、安全安排、在密克羅尼西亞聯邦的商業投資） ) 在他們的意願和任何時間。」有人向我建議，「現在是密克羅尼西亞聯邦開始抵制這些文件中的倡議的時候了」，這些倡議「支持中國的隱秘議程」。有人指出，「我們應該謹慎，別讓中國在我們國家中走得太遠。」

 

My dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

Before I describe what I believe Chinas overall long-term agenda is, and how my country will respond to the proposed 2nd PRC-PICS Foreign Ministers Meeting and its outcome documents, I wish to offer a few points of information that I am aware of.  在我敘述我認為中國的總體長期議程，以及我國將如何回應提議的第二屆中國-太平洋島國外長會議及其成果文件之前，我想提供一些我知道的訊息。

 

I am aware that the bulk of Chinese research vessel activity in the FSM has followed our Nation's fiber optic cable infrastructures, just as I am aware that the proposed language in this agreement opens our countries up to having our phone calls and emails intercepted and overheard. I am aware of Chinese unilateral patrols in the Mekong River in Asia, just as I am aware of China’s continued militarization of the South China Sea despite the arbitral tribunal under the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea concluding that China’s rights over the maritime area has no lawful effect. I am aware that, in February, China's Consul General in Osaka said on Twitter, regarding Russia's invasion of Ukraine, that “the biggest lesson of what has happened in Ukraine is that a weak country must obey a strong country. A challenge will lead to a disastrous result,” just as I am aware that the proposed outcomes documents we've received describes that we “recognize that all countries, regardless of their size, strength and wealth, are equals,” even though what would otherwise be bilateral agreements are being unilaterally developed by China to become multilateral in their nature.  我知道中國在密克羅尼西亞聯邦大量的研究船活動都遵循了我們國家的光纜基礎設施。正如我知道該協議中提議的用語使我們的國家可以讓我們的電話和電子郵件被截獲和偷聽一樣。我得知中國在亞洲湄公河進行單方面巡邏。正如我知道儘管根據《聯合國海洋法公約》的仲裁庭裁定中國在該海域的權利無法律效力，中國仍繼續在南海軍事化。我知道，今年2月，中國駐大阪總領事在推特上就俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭表示，「烏克蘭發生的最大教訓是弱國必須服從強國。挑戰將導致災難性的結果」。正如我知道我們收到的提案中描述的，我們「承認所有國家，無論其大小、實力和財富如何，都是平等的」，即使會發生什麼否則，中國正在單方面制訂雙邊協議，使其具有多邊性質。

 

My dear Pacific Brothers& Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

On the 100th birthday of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) last year, China said “Solving the Taiwan question and realizing the complete reunification of the motherland are the unswerving historical tasks of the CCP and the common aspiration of all Chinese People. All sons and daughters of China, including compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, must work together and move forward in solidarity, resolutely smashing any ‘Taiwan Independence’ plots.”  去年中國共產黨誕辰100週年之際，中國表示，「解決台灣問題，實現祖國完全統一，是中國共產黨堅定不移的歷史任務，也是全體中國人民的共同願望。包括海峽兩岸同胞在內的所有中國兒女，必須同心協力，團結一致，堅決粉碎任何『台獨』圖謀。」

 

In the 19th Party Congress in 2017, China reaffirmed six of the nine principles that their country has held since the 16th Party Congress in 2002, with “placing hopes on the Taiwan people as a force to help bring about unification” exempted from those reaffirmed principles. In 2018, China said that Taiwan would face “the punishment of history” for any attempts at separatism. In 2019, China said “We make no promise to renounce the use of force and reserve the option of taking all necessary means.”  在2017年的十九大中，中國重申自2002年16屆黨代表大會以來中國堅持的九項原則中的六項，「寄希望於台灣人民作為推動統一的力量」，推翻其重申的原則。2018年，中國表示台灣任何分裂企圖將面臨「歷史的懲罰」。2019年，中國表示「我們不承諾放棄使用武力，保留採取一切必要手段的選擇。」

 

China has often publicly described its intention to ensure CCP control of what is otherwise a de facto independent Taiwan.  中國經常公開表達其意圖來確保中共控制實際上是獨立的台灣。

 

My dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

We are all acutely aware of the renewed and increasing intensity of competition for access and influence in our Pacific Region. These activities and efforts have resulted in varying levels of benefit for our communities, but they also potentially threaten to fracture long-standing alliances within our Pacific Family, and could become counterproductive to our collective desire for regional solidarity, security, stability, and the hard-won efforts, often through sweat and blood, in achieving sovereignty for our respective island nations.  我們都敏銳地意識到，在我們太平洋地區，爭奪介入和影響力的競爭正在重新加劇且愈演愈烈。這些活動和努力為我們的社區帶來了不同程度的利益，但它們也有可能破壞我們太平洋大家庭內的長期聯盟，並可能對我們對地區團結、安全、穩定和艱難的共同願望產生反作用。為實現我們各自島國的主權而付出艱辛的努力，往往是汗水和鮮血。

 

What we are seeing with the proposed 2nd PRC-PICs Foreign Ministers Meeting and its accompanying outcome documents are an intent to shift those of us with diplomatic relations with China very close into Beijing's orbit, intrinsically tying the whole of our economies and societies to them. The practical impacts, however, of Chinese control over our communications infrastructure, our ocean territory and the resources within them, and our security space, aside from impacts on our sovereignty, is that it increases the chances of China getting into conflict with Australia, Japan, the United States, and New Zealand, on the day when Beijing decides to invade Taiwan.  我們在提案的第二屆中國—太平洋島國外長會議，及其附帶的成果文件，要把我們這些與中國有外交關係的國家非常緊密地轉移到北京的軌道上，本質上把我們全部經濟和社會與他們綁在一起。然而，中國控制我們的通信基礎設施、我們的海洋領土和其中的資源以及我們的安全空間的實際影響，這還沒說對我們的主權的影響，還增加了中國與澳大利亞、日本、美國和紐西蘭，在北京決定入侵台灣的那一天發生衝突的機遇。

 

To be clear, that's China’ long-term goal: to take Taiwan. Peacefully, if possible, through war, if necessary.  說穿了，拿下台灣就是中國的長期目標。如果可能的話，以和平方式，但若必要的話，透過戰爭手段。

 

It is here that I should re-emphasize that the Common Development Vision contains the line: “Pacific Island Countries reaffirmed that they abide by the One-China principle and stressed the importance of upholding the principle of non-interference of internal affairs in international relations.” Because China considers the otherwise de facto independent Taiwan a part of itself, then it follows that an invasion of Taiwan is not a matter of our concern.  在這裡，我要再次強調，共同發展願景包含這樣一句話：「太平洋島國重申遵守一個中國原則，強調在國際關係中堅持不干涉內政原則的重要性。」因為中國反而認為事實上獨立的台灣是它自己的一部分，所以中國入侵台灣不是我們太平洋島國該關心的問題。

 

This is demonstrably false, however. Any war in the Indo-Pacific would be our concern, to include that a war for Taiwan is equivalent to a war between China and the United States. Whoever wins in such a conflict, we will once again be the collateral damage as we become stuck in the crossfire of the bigger countries who ought to be benevolent hegemons for our Pacific Region and for humanity as a whole. This very plausible, realistic, and terrifying scenario I describe is made all the more sobering as we continue to see the ongoing events in Ukraine, where an authoritarian government, Russia—which bestowed upon itself a mandate to take what it views to be its historical lands—engages in a brutal and unjustified war against a country that has already achieved sovereignty, and practices democracy and the rule of law.  然而，這顯然是錯誤的。印太地區的任何戰爭都將是我們的關注點，包括對台戰爭等同於中美間的戰爭。無論誰在這衝突中獲勝，我們都將再次成為附帶損害，因為我們陷入了大國的交火，這些大國本應成為我們太平洋地區和整個人類的仁慈霸主。當我們繼續看到烏克蘭正在發生的事件時，我所描述的這種非常合理、現實和可怕的情景就更加令人清醒。在烏克蘭，俄羅斯這個專制政府—它賦予自己奪取它所認為的歷史土地的任務並對一個已經取得主權、實行民主和法治的國家發動了一場殘酷和不義之戰。

 

My dear Pacific Brothers& Sisters, 我親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，

 

The Common Development Vision stemming from the 2nd PRC-PICs Foreign Ministers Meeting is a smoke screen for a larger agenda. Despite our ceaseless and accurate howls that Climate Change represents the single-most existential security threat to our islands, the Common Development Vision threatens to bring a new Cold War era at best, and a World War at worst.  第二屆中國—太平洋島國外長會議的共同發展願景是更大計劃的煙幕彈。儘管我們不停地準確呼籲，氣候變化是對我們島嶼的唯一最重要的生存安全威脅，但共同發展願景至少有可能一個新冷戰時代的威謝，最壞的情況是引發一場世界大戰。

 

The Federated States of Micronesia will attend the 2nd PRC-PICs Foreign Ministers Meeting, and our country will reject the Common Development Vision and five-year plan on the premise that we believe the proposed agreement needlessly heightens geopolitical tensions, and that the agreement threatens regional stability and security, including both my country’s Great Friendship with China and my country’s Enduring Partnership with the United States. The only way for the Federated States of Micronesia to maintain our Great Friendship with China is if our relationship with them is exclusively focused on economic and technical cooperation. I intend to maintain our Great Friendship, while also remaining committed to a Free & Open Indo-Pacific, which I believe is essential for the Blue Pacific Continent’s stability. Despite being offered attractive economic assistance from China now, including donations into our sovereign Trust Fund, our Pacific well-being, security, peace and harmony, and our values and principals and sovereignty, are treasures with greater value than any amount of silver and gold.  密克羅尼西亞聯邦將出席第二屆PRC-PICs外長會議，我國將拒絕共同發展願景和五年計劃，前提是我們認為協議的提案無端地加劇了地緣政治緊張局勢，並且該協議威脅到地區穩定與安全，包括我國與中國的偉大友誼和我國與美國的持久夥伴關係。密克羅尼西亞聯邦與中國保持偉大友誼的唯一途徑是，我們與他們的關係僅僅專注於經濟和技術合作。我打算保持我們的偉大友誼，同時繼續致力於一個自由開放的印太地區，我認為這對藍色太平洋大陸的穩定至關重要。儘管現在中國提供了有吸引力的經濟援助，包括向我們的主權信託基金捐款，但我們的太平洋福祉、安全、和平與和諧，以及我們的價值觀、原則和主權，都是比任何數量的金銀都更有價值的財富。

 

Geopolitics like these are the kind of game where the only winning move is not to play. My hope, my dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, is that by informing you of these developments, and of our country's intended course of action, we can collectively take the steps necessary to prevent any intensified conflict, and possible break out of war, from ever happening in the first place.  像這樣的地緣政治能唯一獲勝的舉措就是不要去玩它。親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，我希望透過向你們通報這些事態發展，以及我們國家的預期行動方針，我們可以共同採取必要措施，防止任何激化的衝突和永不使戰爭爆發。

 

I conclude my lengthy letter by acknowledging that I am cognizant that some of our historical partners need to show up more often, with more sincerity, and, to quote another dear brother and Pacific leader, His Excellency Surangel S. Whipps Jr., “to care about us for real and not for a day.” I believe that Australia needs to take Climate Change more seriously and urgently. I believe that the United States should have a diplomatic presence in all sovereign Pacific Island Countries, and step-up its assistance to all islands, to include its own states and territories in the Pacific.  最後，我承認我認識到我們的一些歷史夥伴需要更頻繁、更真誠地出現，並且引用另一位親愛的兄弟和太平洋領導人小蘇蘭格爾·S·惠普斯閣下的話來結束我的長信，“以 真正關心我們，而不是一天。” 我認為澳大利亞需要更加認真和緊迫地對待氣候變化。 我認為美國應該在所有太平洋島國擁有外交存在，並加強對所有島嶼的援助，將其自己的國家和領土納入太平洋。

 

However, it is my view that the shortcomings of our allies are not a justification for condemning the leaders who succeed us in having to accept a war that we failed to recognize was coming and failed to prevent from occurring. We can only reassert the rightful focus on Climate Change as our region’s most existential security threat by taking every single possible action to promote peace and harmony across our Blue Pacific Continent.  然而，我認為，我們的盟友的缺點並不能成為譴責我們未來領導人不得不接受一場我們未能認識到即將到來且未能阻止發生的戰爭的理由。我們只能透過採取一切可能的行動，促進我們整個藍色太平洋大陸的和平與和諧，從而重新確立對氣候變化的正確關注，將其作為我們地區最重要的生存安全威脅。

 

Thank you, my dear Pacific Brothers & Sisters, for your kind attention to my lengthy letter. I say again, with honesty and humility, and the hope that our islands remain friends to all and enemies to none forevermore, that the People & Government of the Federated States of Micronesia extend to you peace, friendship, cooperation, and love in our common humanity.  親愛的太平洋兄弟姐妹們，感謝你們關注我冗長的信。我再次懷著誠實和謙卑的心情，希望我們的島嶼永遠成為所有人的朋友，永遠不再是敵人。密克羅尼西亞聯邦人民和政府向你們伸出和平、友誼、合作和我們共同的人性。

 

 

Sincerely,

David W. Panuelo

President

Federated States of Micronesia

 

Enclosures:

China-Pacific Island Countries Common Development Vision  中國-太平洋島國共同發展願景

China-Pacific Island Countries Five-Year Action Plan on Common Development  中國—太平洋島國共同發展五年行動計劃