【Comment】
PLAN軍艦是尾隨,但吆喝更多小船、漁船,阻止USS Lassen。
PLAN抓準文明國家嚴守軍不會動民的楚河漢界,派漁船作為代理,由受過訓的、穿著制服的人員操作(那就是受到戰爭法的管轄),成為海軍民兵 naval militia。這是寫在PLAN操典上的。他們平時歸屬地方的解放軍單位,接受召集,就直接歸屬PLAN指揮。
PLAN這種人被暱稱為「小藍人」Little Blue Men,有別於俄國派駐在克里米亞、烏克蘭中暱稱為「小綠人」的軍隊。
雖然,小綠人大家都已知道,但在南海的小藍人,卻不為人熟知。但這模式已經被抓住,也是中國的政策,民船變身PLAN輔助艦已經在製作中。未來會有「大藍人」,一點不意外。
南海與東海的處理會更複雜,這是海上游擊戰、人民海戰。會讓無辜的漁船、商船受到牽連。
美中今年達成的《海上意外接觸準則》(the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea
(CUES)),只涵蓋軍用船艦。PLAN雖然禮貌專業,但海警與海上民兵,完全不吃這套。
China’s
'Little Blue Men' Take Navy’s Place in Disputes○Defense News(2015.11.02)
WASHINGTON — When the US destroyer Lassen passed
near a newly-built artificial island on Subi Reef in the South China Sea’s
Spratly Islands Oct. 27, it was already being escorted by several Chinese Navy
warships. The US ship represented a
challenge to China’s attempt to create land and declare it and the surrounding
areas sovereign territory.
The Chinese naval ships, reported a US Navy source, behaved
professionally during the Lassen’s transit. “They shadowed the Lassen but stayed at a safe
distance.”
But several smaller vessels, described by the source as merchant ships or fishing vessels, were more provocative,
crossing the Lassen’s bow and maneuvering around the destroyer even as they
kept their distance.
“There were Chinese merchant vessels present that were not as demure as
the Chinese Navy,” the US Navy source said Oct. 30. “One
came out of its anchorage in the island and crossed the destroyer’s bow but at
a safe distance, and the Lassen did not
alter course as the merchant ship circled around.”
Fishing vessels in the area added to shipping traffic in the immediate
area, the source said. But the extra craft seem to have been present, the source
noted, “because they anticipated the Lassen’s transit.”
China
has been known to use civilian ships as government proxies, often to harass
foreign vessels, and several analysts have been scrutinizing current and recent
incidents to determine who’s on board those
mysterious vessels.
One clue, Erickson noted, is that there usually aren’t that many fishing vessels around
Subi Reef.
“Actual numbers of fishing vessels regularly present in the Spratlys
appear relatively low,” he observed Nov. 2. “If you look at it rationally, it’s pretty
clear the operators of those fishing boats were
maritime militia, especially to have done that maneuver" around
the destroyer’s bow.
“China is trying to use these government-controlled fisherman below the
radar to get the bonus without the onus to support its South China Sea claims,”
Erickson said. "It’s a phenomenon
little-known or understood in the US.
“While Russia’s little green men in Crimea are widely known, insufficient attention has been paid to China’s little
blue men in the South China Sea,” he said. “It’s so different from what
the US does. People aren’t familiar with
it, it’s hard to wrap their heads around it.”
At least a half dozen nations are jockeying for territorial claims in the
western Pacific, including China, the Philippines, Vietnam, North and South
Korea and Japan. The most volatile
region at the moment is the South China Sea, a region strewn with half-sunken
or submerged reefs that could be the key to access energy sources, including
oil and natural gas.
As the disputes have become more spirited, some
nations, including China, have been employing coast guards and civilian ships
rather than naval units in potentially confrontational situations.
“As China is trying to show opposition to these freedom of navigation
operations in the South China Sea,” Erickson said, “we need to be more attuned to the types of vessels and
types of personnel they may send there to create a more complex picture and
even to push back.”
“We have traced Chinese maritime militia to direct involvement in the Impeccable incident,” Erickson said, “and in the HYSY 981 oil rig incident with Vietnam [when
numerous Vietnamese ships were rammed by the Chinese, with at least one
sinking, in a three-and-a-half-month standoff in 2014], and potentially with
Chinese pressure on the Philippine resupply effort of Second
Thomas Shoal” in March 2014, where the Philippines have stationed a grounded
naval ship on a disputed shoal.
Reports of the Lassen incident, Erickson
observed, are “empirical evidence matching
up very closely to what Chinese writings on the
maritime militia say its designed to be able to do, including obstruction
activities.”
The militia on board the ships are often clearly identifiable.
“They have uniforms — many if
not all of them have uniforms. We have
many photographs of them with their uniforms,” he said. The PLA Daily, a People’s Liberation Army
publication, even speaks to this.
“ ‘Putting on camouflage [uniforms], they
qualify as soldiers,’ “ Erickson quoted.
“ ‘Taking off the camouflage, they become law-abiding fishermen’ “
“So China’s trying to have it two ways here,”
he noted. “Besides deception and
confusion, US and allied rules of engagement might be very restrictive against
fishermen.
“China is trying to use these maritime militia forces to put it in a
position that frustrates us in our ability to respond.”
“The militia, often drawn from local workers or demobilized troops, are
organized in a somewhat complex manner, reporting
initially to local People’s Armed Forces Departments (PAFD). When activated,
though, they could report directly to naval authorities,” Erickson
said.
“In peacetime their responsibilities include supporting China’s Navy and
Coast Guard. They
always answer to the People’s Liberation Army through the PAFD. But they also report to whatever agency
they’re supporting at the time.”
While there are dozens of militia, several units stand out as frontline
elements, Erickson noted.
“The majority of maritime militia are less elite, do more mundane
transport, crewing, repair, coastal patrolling, and emergency response. But there is a
small elite that is better manned, trained and equipped. They are developed to support those more
advanced types of missions. Which
include, theoretically, some wartime capabilities."
That the militia are an entity unto themselves, in addition to the Navy
and Coast Guard, is only recently becoming
apparent.
“This is not a type of force we understand
well enough,” Erickson said. “They could conceivably achieve some
advantages through elements of surprise and
confusion. Then even if we know
who they are and what they’re doing we might have great difficulty dealing with
them because of our rules of engagement. China could go out of its way to mis-portray
some of these personnel as random patriotic fishermen, as vocal ‘residents’ of
these ‘islands’ in the Spratlys. They’re very good at that kind of propaganda warfare.”
A greater awareness of the militia and their techniques, Erickson
said, could weaken their effectiveness.
“These forces have their greatest power when they’re least known, least
anticipated. The more we can call them
out to foresee their presence and actions in advance, the more power we can
take away from them. These are forces
with rather limited capabilities overall. And if they’re
exposed as militia that answer to the PLA chain of command it can be seen in a
different light.”
The US and China, in an effort to reduce the possibility of violence,
agreed earlier this year to an agreement, the Code for Unplanned Encounters
at Sea (CUES). But the agreement only covers the Chinese Navy, not its other
maritime services.
“There’s a potential problem whereby
China’s Navy is bear-hugging the US Navy to learn more about our best
practices, talking the talk of a good cop, while the bad cops — the Coast Guard
and maritime militia — are doing the dirty work
in the East China Sea and the South China Sea.
“Our approach to China’s maritime forces and our interaction with them is
incomplete,” Erickson said, “so long as two of the
three sea forces are running around doing stuff that we consider very
negative.”
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