On Oct. 13 in
the Legislative Yuan, the Mainland Affairs Council appeared to reverse its
stance on whether the Dalai Lama would be able to visit Taiwan, saying that the
government would consider granting permission if it was convenient for both
parties.
On Oct. 23, however, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Wu Yu-sheng
(吳育昇), who has a close relationship with President Ma Ying-jeou
(馬英九), said that “since both sides of the [Taiwan]
Strait belong to China...” a visit by the Dalai Lama to Taiwan could be
considered “a return to China.”
Today, when the idea that the Republic of China (ROC) could have any
claim over China has become ridiculous, how is it that Wu feels he can say what
others dare not?
The Dalai Lama has visited Taiwan three times: In 1997, during former
president Lee Teng-hui’s (李登輝) term; in
2001, when former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was in office; and in 2009, after Ma took office.
The Dalai Lama met the then-president on his first two trips, but Ma
prevaricated, and he did not meet the Tibetan spiritual leader. Their paths did
not even cross.
In 2009, when Typhoon Morakot devastated the nation, Ma initially
refused all international assistance from everywhere except China, eagerly
anticipating help from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), although in the end
it was the US military that came to the nation’s aid.
Closely following this, not three weeks later, Ma agreed to a visit by
the Dalai Lama — which China was not happy about — from Aug. 30 to Sept. 4 to
offer consolation to the victims of the disaster.
Even though the invitation was originally extended by politicians
affiliated with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Ma approved the visit
late the same night the offer was made. The speed at which he changed his mind
was truly startling, and the factors at play in the background are similarly intriguing.
Then-Mainland Affairs Council minister Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said that he did not think this would be
harmful to cross-strait relations. However, the Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO)
said Beijing was very concerned about the Dalai Lama’s motivation for this
particular trip, and canceled many exchanges as a result.
Clearly, there was a lot of bad feeling between the two sides. Given
this, the Tibet Religious Foundation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama — the
default liaison office of the Tibetan government-in-exile in Taiwan — said that
Ma was able to resist this kind of interference demonstrated his spirit and
courage.
Anyone familiar with the incidents surrounding the Tunghsing Building
and Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) would know that the only time Ma demonstrates courage and grit is when
it is in his own best interests to do so.
Why, then, would he risk sticking his neck out like that? Perhaps it was
because, having revealed his intention to involve the PLA, he had to do
something to atone for having caused alarm over security with Japan and the US.
However, Ma did not admit defeat over PLA involvement. Instead, he
allowed China’s State Administration for Religious Affairs director Ye Xiaowen
(葉小文) to come to Taiwan on Aug. 28, two days prior
to the Dalai Lama’s visit. They held a press conference to much fanfare, and
then went to Nantou County to take part in a special ceremony for Morakot
victims.
Ma did nothing of the sort for the Dalai Lama, canceling the
international press conference. He allowed him to hold a ceremony for the
disaster victims, but he did not allow him to speak about Buddhist teachings,
and unleashed crowds waving the Chinese flag, protesting against the Dalai
Lama’s trip to Taiwan.
The reason Ma created this situation, taking the senior Chinese official
to the ceremony and bringing in the hecklers, might well have been to mitigate
China’s irritation.
On Sept. 29 this year, Ma indicated that his support was leaning toward
China. On Oct. 10 — National Day — he, rather provocatively, urged China to
move toward liberal democracy, for which the TAO, on Oct. 15, issued a stern
rebuke.
In a single week, Ma called three national security meetings, ostensibly
to address the ongoing food safety issue, something that is quite unprecedented:
Clearly, something else was afoot.
There is little doubt that Wu’s statement that a visit by the Dalai Lama
would be tantamount to “a return to China” was an example of Ma expressing his
position to Beijing by proxy, and his position is that the constitutions in
both China and Taiwan are crystal clear: That Taiwan is the exclusive property
of China.
Of course, governing a country requires balancing the interests of all
parties, but this also needs careful planning. Ma’s insistence on doing things
his own way, of proceeding at full throttle and then dealing with problems as
they arise, is going to lead to disaster for the nation and for East Asia.
HoonTing is a political commentator.
Translated by Paul
Cooper
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