Taiwan and China are having increasingly frequent exchanges, entangling
their politics in ways that are difficult to understand. While China is openly
bullying Taiwan, this nation might be influencing China in far more subtle ways
and to a degree which might surpass expectations.
After failing to win two presidential elections in a row, former vice
president Lien Chan (連戰) became preoccupied with how to extend the
political and economic fortunes of his family. After his first visit to China
in 2005 to meet then-Chinese president Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), Beijing gradually started favoring exchanges
between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) as the channel through which it communicated its wishes. This channel,
largely coordinated by the Lien family, gradually changed its focus from politics
to business, and then to personal connections.
After 2008, the KMT-CCP platform increased in importance and Lien, also
a former KMT chairman, attended APEC meetings on five occasions as President Ma Ying-jeou ’s
(馬英九) representative. News media were awash with
reports on the massive political and economic cabal being created between the
second generation of government officials on either side of the Taiwan Strait,
and the KMT-CCP meetings often replaced the official relations between China’s
Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits and Taiwan’s Straits
Exchange Foundation.
Ma, who should have focused on matters of national defense and foreign
affairs, has never been one to sit back and watch. Not only did he have
countless run-ins with Lien, but in 2009, he stood again for the KMT
chairmanship and secured it, so that he could keep control of the reins.
The rendezvous with the enemy continued, with former KMT chairman Wu
Po-hsiung (吳伯雄) going to Beijing in 2012 in the infamous “one
country, two areas” trip followed by Lien’s sortie in March last year, when he
came out with his 16-character mantra of “Establish mutual trust, shelve
disputes, seek common ground while reserving differences and together create a
win-win situation.”
All this showed that turf wars among KMT bigwigs were heating up. As the
Ma administration established its power base, the KMT-CCP platform built by
Lien started to lose ground. However, there is to be no meeting this year,
which has set off alarm bells in Lien’s dynastic empire.
Members of that dynasty must have long been deliberating on how to
proceed. For example, if they are not represented by someone in political
office in Taiwan, how are they to protect their pan-Greater China, cross-strait
empire? And therein lies the urgency in Lien Chan’s son, KMT Taipei mayoral candidate
Sean Lien (連勝文), standing for office.
At the same time, the higher echelons of power in Beijing will be
pondering how they are to deal with the Lien empire, which has so many
political and business connections in China and enjoys a certain degree of political
influence there.
Since Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) came to power, he has targeted corruption — be it to consolidate his
power, to balance wealth disparities, to maintain his ideological stance or for
personal reasons — in a way not seen before.
Many officials have been ousted, no matter their rank. Many big names,
not just disgraced former Chongqing Communist Party boss Bo Xilai (薄熙來), have fallen, dragged into the CCP’s
extralegal shuanggui (雙規) system for detaining and interrogating cadres
who fall from grace. Heavyweights such as former Central Military Commission
vice chairman Xu Caihou (徐才厚) and former Politburo Standing Committee member
Zhou Yongkang (周永康) are but representative examples.
The sights of Xi’s anti-graft gun are edging toward former Chinese
leader Jiang Zemin (江澤民). Once he has gone through the first
generation, how long will it before he turns his attention to the second
generation, which the New York Times and the International Consortium of
Investigative Journalists have been so busy investigating?
That is anyone’s guess. Nor is it known whether the Lien dynasty will
get caught up in all this and whether it could change the face of politics in
Taiwan.
As election fever rises in Taiwan, Sean Lien’s campaign and that of independent
Taipei mayoral candidate Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) have been flinging mud at each other over the MG149 account case
involving Ko and questions about Sean Lien’s ownership of Golden Meditech
Holdings Taiwan depositary receipts through Evenstar, the Hong Kong-based fund
he founded, a case which also involves Wen Yunsong (溫雲松), who also happens to be the only son of former
Chinese premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶).
Perhaps the 100,000 Chinese tourists in Taiwan on any given day will
take this news back to Xi and get him to do something about it?
When Taipei residents decide which candidate to back, the main players
will be thinking about larger, life-and-death battles over power and financial
dynasties.
HoonTing is a commentator based in Taipei.
Translated by Paul
Cooper
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