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2018-07-24

20180718陳明通在傳統基金會的演講

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陸委會講「1949年,國民政府播遷來台,開啟了兩岸分治狀態並持續至今。」
本位主義,OK啦,但並非事實的全部。

演講稿中,同時出現「中華民國」與「台灣」,如最後的中華民國捍衛國家主權 vs. 台灣的尊嚴。
兩者是什麼關係呢?


Most importantly, the status quo is NOT fait accompli, it is uti possidetis juris.

民主自由是發展兩岸關係的重要基石
中華民國大陸委員會主任委員陳明通
「兩岸關係的機遇與挑戰」國際研討會開幕致詞
陸委會107.07.18

Executive Vice President Holmes of the Heritage Foundation, Vice-President Chen of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning!
傳統基金會執行副總裁Holmes、台灣民主基金會陳副執行長、各位女士、先生,大家早安!

It is my great pleasure to be invited to attend this conference jointly held by the Heritage Foundation and the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy.  The defense of freedom has long been a core principle of the Heritage Foundation.  It has also staunchly supported the development of democracy and the common values shared by Taiwan and the United States.  For this, I would like to express my deepest respect.  This international conference has tremendous significance at this time when the Asia-Pacific region is undergoing rapid changes that bring both risks and opportunities.  I would like to make some brief observations and elaborate on the ROC government’s cross-Strait policy positions.
很榮幸應邀出席由傳統基金會與台灣民主基金會合辦的研討會。傳統基金會長期以捍衛自由為基本理念,是民主政治發展及倡議台美分享共同價值的堅定支持者,在此表達敬意。在當前亞太區域情勢快速變遷、風險與機會並存的時刻,這場國際學術會議深具意義。以下我將提出簡要觀察及說明中華民國政府的兩岸政策主張。

First, cross-Strait relations have affected peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region for 70 years
一、70年來的兩岸關係的格局,始終牽動著亞太區域的和平穩定
In 1949, the Nationalist Government relocated to Taiwan and the period of separate governance across the Taiwan Strait began and lasts even today.  In terms of historical depth and the changing international framework, the past nearly 70 years of cross-Strait relations could be described as a journey from conflict to conciliation, and then a swing to unease.  The cross-Strait relationship is a unique case in the world.  For years, the two sides have attempted to bring their mutual relationship to a final settlement through force, peace, or a mixture of other means.  However, a solution satisfactory to both sides has not been found due to an insistence on national sovereignty and a democratic way of life.  The ROC will never relinquish its sovereignty in exchange for an illusory peace.  Nor will the 23 million people of democratic Taiwan ever allow their destiny to be decided under the non-democratic system of the other side.
1949年,國民政府播遷來台,開啟了兩岸分治狀態並持續至今。就歷史縱深及國際格局變遷架構觀察近70年的兩岸關係,可謂呈現一段從衝突走向和緩、又擺盪到躁動不安的歷程。兩岸關係是舉世無雙的個案,多年來,海峽兩岸嘗試用武力、用和平,或交雜各種方式來處理彼此的終局關係,但至今仍無法找到令雙方滿意的解方,因為此涉及到對國家主權及民主生活的堅持。中華民國不可能以讓渡主權換取虛幻的和平,民主台灣下的兩千三百萬人民,更不可能把自己的命運交付給對岸非民主體制來決定

The past several years have witnessed rapid changes in Asia and posed unprecedented challenges for cross-Strait relations.  In this complex and changing situation, the ROC government has remained a force of responsible stabilization through its commitment to maintaining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.  Since taking office over two years ago, President Tsai Ing-wen has consistently handled cross-Strait relations with pragmatism and managed cross-Strait affairs in accordance with the ROC Constitution, the Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, and other relevant legislation.  She has also respected the historical fact of the cross-Strait talks in 1992, as well as the joint acknowledgment of seeking common ground while reserving differences to promote the peaceful and stable development of cross-Strait relations.  In this regard, our position has been consistent and firm.
過去一段時間,亞洲情勢瞬息萬變,兩岸關係也出現有別以往的重大挑戰。中華民國政府始終致力維護台海現狀,成為當前複雜變局中負責任的穩定者。蔡總統上任兩年多來,堅持以務實的態度處理兩岸關係,根據中華民國憲法、兩岸人民關係條例和其他相關法律,處理兩岸事務,並尊重1992年兩岸會談的歷史事實與求同存異的共同認知,推動兩岸關係和平穩定發展,我們的立場一貫而堅定。


Second, Taiwan's strategic importance is rooted in its democratic system and values, which is the foundation of our existence.
二、台灣戰略重要性,植基於民主制度與價值,這是我們生存的根本
Taiwan occupies an important strategic position in the first island chain of the Pacific.  In the post-Cold War period, it has acted as a cushion during mainland China's rise as a regional power and helped to maintain a safe environment for stable development in the Asia-Pacific.  Taiwan is not only a model for economic development, but also a successful example of democratization.  In its steady transition to democracy, belief in democracy has become rooted in the thinking and life of the people in this island.  In recent years, Taiwan has steadily risen in the global rankings of democracy, freedom, and civil rights to become a beacon of democracy for Asia and the world.  Through democratic institutions, the people of Taiwan debate and supervise public policy, protect their interests and needs, enforce checks and balances against dictatorial behavior by decision-makers, and narrow their distance from the government.  Democratic values have made Taiwan a diverse and lively society with boundless creativity and vitality.
台灣位於太平洋第一島鏈的特殊位置,具有重要戰略地位,尤其隨著冷戰時期的結束,中國大陸崛起所形成的區域權力競逐態勢中,台灣正為此提供了緩衝的屏障,維護了亞太穩定發展的安全環境。台灣不僅是經濟發展的模範,也是實現民主化的成功典範。回顧過去一步一腳印的民主轉型過程,民主信念已根植這島嶼人民的思考與生活之中。近年來台灣無論在民主指數、自由度,或公民權利的全球評比中,都持續成長、名列前茅,成為亞洲與世界的民主燈塔。台灣人民透過民主體制對公共政策的辯論與監督,保障了民眾的利益與需求、制衡了決策者的獨斷,也拉近了與政府的距離;民主價值為台灣社會注入多元與活潑,以及無限可能的創造力與生命力。

During an interview last month, President Tsai said that, as an emerging democracy in Asia, Taiwan has been an "island of resilience" under different rulers over the centuries.  Through a bloodless revolution, it has transitioned from authoritarianism to democracy to become today a society in which different ethnic groups harmoniously coexist and collectively form its core values.  This cannot be violated.  One can fully see the achievement and self-confidence of democracy amply reflected in our next generation, each of whom adds to the "pride of Taiwan." For this new generation, democracy is no longer a heartfelt hope.  It has become a way of life, taken for granted, and a value shared by all in Taiwan across ethnic and party lines.  The momentum and vitality of democracy and freedom connect us with the world.  Even with a range of views about the Beijing regime, Taiwanese society is able to forge majority support for maintaining good and peaceful relations with mainland China.
蔡總統上個月接受專訪提到,作為亞洲新興民主國家,「堅韌之島」台灣歷經數百年來不同人的統治,從威權走向民主沒有流血革命,不同族群和諧相處,匯聚成今天台灣的核心價值,絕不容侵害。各位看到民主的成就與自信就在我們下一代身上充分體現,造就出一個個「台灣之光」,民主對他們而言不再是我們這一代的「渴望」,而是「理所當然的生活方式」,這是超越族群黨派,所有人共同堅信的台灣價值。民主自由的動能與生命力讓我們與全球連結,也使台灣社會即使對北京政權有不同的聲音,但亦能綜整出願意與中國大陸保持良善和平關係的多數意見。

Third.  Mainland China has centralized control even more with the intent to change global order and international framework
三、中國大陸集權管控加大,意圖改變全球秩序與國際格局
Mainland China’s overall national strength has risen rapidly in recent years by adhering to a developmental path and institutional choices distinct from those of "western parliamentary democracies." However, this road has led it towards increasingly centralized authoritarianism.  Since the 19th Party Congress, Beijing has established internal and external development steps and goals.  However, its governance model not only lacks respect for democracy and human rights, but also involves social control through pervasive monitoring of its citizens by means of modern electronic technology.  The "China model" has attracted the world's attention for its economic developmental achievements, but it lacks the institutional means to reflect public opinion and ensure accountability.  It cannot effectively resolve the people's ever-growing needs for a better life or address the social contradiction between unbalanced and inadequate development.  It relies on a system of intensive control to achieve social stability at the expense of the people's freedom, exposing the defects and limitations of the "China model."
中國大陸近年來綜合國力快速增長,堅持一條有別於所謂「西方議會民主」的發展道路及制度選擇,但卻走向更集權專制。「十九大」以來,中共設定了內外部發展的進程與目標,但在治理模式上,不僅缺乏對民主人權的尊重,更透過現代的電子科技,建構對公民全面監控的社會控制體系。「中國模式」雖帶來舉世矚目的經濟發展成就,但缺乏反映民意與問責制的制度設計,無法有效解決人民日益增長的美好生活需要與不平衡不充分發展之間的社會矛盾,只能以綿密的控制體系,以犧牲人民的自由換取社會的穩定,從而顯現出「中國模式」的缺陷與侷限。

At the same time, the oppression of China by western powers in modern times has become part of the nation's collective memory.  The discontent with the western-dominated international power structure grows in mainland China and has gained enormous energy as China’s overall national strength grows, sparking concerns in the international community over the mainland's development intentions and strategic direction.  In its national security strategy report released last year, the US defined mainland China as a "revisionist" in its attempts to change the international order that has prevailed since World War II.  It has criticized China for using economic and military power to entice or coerce other countries with its political agenda.  Beijing has used "sharp power" to export its ideology and influence government policy-making in other countries.  This has put many nations on increased alert and drawn attention to mainland China's intention to expand institutional control and change the global order.
在此同時,由於近代中國所遭受西方列強的壓迫,已沈澱成整個民族沈痛的集體記憶,隨著綜合國力的逐漸增強,中國大陸內部正蓄積一股對西方所主導的國際權力結構不滿的巨大能量,國際社會因此開始擔憂其發展意圖及戰略動向。美國去年公布的國家安全戰略等系列報告即指出中國大陸為「修正主義國家」,企圖改變二次大戰以來的國際秩序,批評其以經濟軍事能力誘導或懲罰,使其他國家配合她的政治目標。中共運用「銳實力」(sharp power)輸出意識型態,影響各國政府內部決策,讓許多國家提高了警覺,同時注意到中國大陸擴張制度控制、改變全球秩序的企圖。

Institutional competition is not about ostentation, bluster, or high-pressure control.  It is a matter of giving humanity the respect and choice of freedom, rights, and justice.  A system that leads to hegemony has forgotten its original aspiration of creating a "moderately prosperous society" in which "provision is made for the aged till their death, the adults are given employment, and the young enabled to grow up."  People cannot be won over by bullying.  The mainland Chinese leader has said that "As the world's largest political party, the CPC must behave in a way commensurate with this status."  Such behavior should include respect for democracy and human rights, as well as an understanding that, in relations with neighbors, "only benevolence in a great country is able to serve a small one."
制度之爭不是金錢炫富、耀武揚威或高壓管控,而在於賦予人類自由、權利、正義的選擇與尊重。如果制度創造了霸權,那麼他們已經忘記「老有所終、壯有所用、幼有所長」的「小康社會」發展初衷。「恃強而自負,無法服人」!中共領導人曾說,「大應該有大的樣子」,這個「大人的樣子」應該是尊重民主人權,且理解「惟仁者為能以大事小」的交鄰之道。

Fourth.  Maintaining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait is beneficial to peace and prosperity in East Asia
四、台海現狀的維持,有利東亞區域和平與繁榮
Beijing's long denial of the existence of the ROC has prevented resolution of the political impasse across the Taiwan Strait.  Under its so-called "one China principle," the Mainland has repeatedly sought to coerce Taiwan by military and diplomatic means or further "policies to integrate Taiwan."  By these carrot-and-stick strategies, Beijing has been undermining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait with ever greater speed in an attempt to lead to an irreversible outcome.  It has not only stubbornly refused Taiwan's calls for negotiations without political preconditions to resume normal cross-Strait exchanges, but has also constrained Taiwan's space for international existence through its irrational behavior.  As a result, the spiral of hostility between the two sides has escalated and presented a difficult dilemma.  We fully realize that mainland China is steadily eroding the sovereignty of the ROC in the international community.  We also realize that the Mainland intends, by enticements and coercion, to make the people of Taiwan become followers, give up the right to be their own master, and thus pay a price in the loss of their country, democracy, and freedom.  The ROC government will never waver from its position of defending national sovereignty and Taiwan's dignity, nor will it be silenced.
長久以來北京政權無法面對中華民國的存在,導致兩岸的政治僵局一直無法解決。最近更在其所謂的「一個中國原則」下,諸多對台軍事外交脅迫或「融台政策」,都是以軟硬兩手策略,加速破壞台海現狀,意圖造成不可逆轉的結局。北京當局面對台灣不設政治前提談判以恢復兩岸正常交流的呼籲,不僅嚴加拒絕,更採取不理性的作為打壓台灣的國際生存空間,導致兩岸敵意螺旋不斷上升,陷入難以走出的困境。我們深刻體認到,中國大陸逐漸在國際社會銷溶中華民國主權,意圖讓台灣人民在拉攏與壓迫中變成扈從者,放棄做自己主人的權利,從而付出失去國家、失去民主自由的代價。中華民國政府捍衛國家主權台灣尊嚴的立場堅定不移、也不會靜默不語。

We thank the international community for its support for Taiwan's principles in developing cross-Strait relations, the United States in particular.  The friendly relations between Taiwan and the US are based on shared democratic values and beliefs, as well as on a common interest in regional strategic security.  The US administrative branch and the Congress recently reiterated their commitment to the Taiwan Relations Act, support for the vibrant development of democracy in Taiwan, opposition to the Mainland's unilateral change to the status quo, continued promotion of pro-Taiwan legislation, and emphasized that cross-Strait relations form an important link in the Indo-Pacific strategy.  President Tsai has said that, as a free democracy in the Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan will work closely with neighboring countries to defend the collective achievements of freedom and openness.  It will also protect a rules-based international order and further contribute to regional stability and prosperity.
感謝國際社會對台灣發展兩岸關係理念的支持,特別是美國。台美友好關係奠基於雙方擁有共同的民主價值與信念,以及對區域戰略安全的共同利益。近期美國行政部門及國會重申「台灣關係法」承諾,支持台灣民主蓬勃發展,反對陸方片面改變現狀,持續推動友台法案,並強調兩岸關係是印太戰略重要一環。蔡總統曾表示,身為印太的自由民主國家,台灣會跟周邊國家一起努力保衛自由、開放的共同成果,並且守護以法規為基礎的國際秩序,為區域穩定繁榮貢獻更多力量。

President Tsai's cross-Strait policy of maintaining the status quo is in line with the major interests of all parties in the region and is a correct and feasible path.  Peace, stability, and prosperity in East Asia are vital to the global order.  We hope that the US and the international community will continue to support our cross-Strait policy, convey to the Mainland the importance of maintaining the status quo, peace, and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and urge the Mainland to be rational, show goodwill, and stop affecting security and stability in the Asia-Pacific region by unilaterally undermining the cross-Strait status quo.
蔡總統維持現狀的兩岸政策,符合區域各方的重大利益,是一條正確可行的道路,東亞區域的和平穩定與繁榮是世界秩序的重要關鍵。我們期盼美方及國際社會持續支持我方兩岸政策主張,並向陸方傳達維持台海現狀及和平穩定之重要性,敦促陸方展現理性、善意,避免台海現狀遭受片面破壞,進而影響到亞太區域的安全與穩定。

Fifth.  Considering a road to peaceful and stable cross-Strait relations
五、結語:推動兩岸關係和平穩定的路徑思考
Facing new developments, the ROC government offers the following proposals for the future direction of cross-Strait relations:
面對新的局勢變化,中華民國政府對未來兩岸關係的努力方向,提出幾點意見:

(1) To start, the two sides should have the determination to improve cross-Strait relations.  While ensuring national sovereignty and dignity, we are willing to consider future interactions between the two sides with a more open attitude and a more flexible policy.
() 雙方先有改善兩岸關係的決心。在確保國家主權與尊嚴的情況下,我們願意以更開放的態度、更彈性的政策,思考未來雙方的互動。

(2) Each side seeks internal consensus and views.  The two sides differ internally in their views on the development of cross-Strait relations.  They should mutually respect each other, listen to rational views domestically, and work out rules for an orderly interaction.
() 各自尋求內部的共識與意見。雙方內部對兩岸關係發展均有不同意見,兩岸應相互尊重、各自聽取內部理性意見,梳理出一條有序的互動法則。

(3) Stop words and actions harmful to Taiwan.  Mainland China has hurt the feelings of the people of Taiwan through words and actions aimed at provoking and pressuring Taiwan.  It should stop this and restrain internal factors detrimental to positive development.
() 停止對台傷害的言論與作為。中國大陸對台挑釁施壓的言論及作為,已傷害台灣人民感情,陸方應該停止並節制內部耗損正面發展的負面因子。

(4) Engage in pragmatic communication and dialogue.  We are willing to promote cross-Strait dialogue and communication in any form, at any place without political preconditions, while conducting potential risk management.
() 進行務實溝通對話。我們願意在不設政治前提與不拘形式、不限地點之下,促成兩岸的對話與溝通,並進行可能的風險管理。
The ROC is a sovereign state.  Taiwan’s core interest is to maintain the sustainable development of its democratic and free system.  We will not degrade ourselves because of belittlement by others, but will more determinedly reach out to the world.  Looking ahead, we are certain that dialogue is the best option to resolve differences.  The choice between conflict and peace in fact lies in the thoughts of the leaders.  Mainland China should embrace a benign attitude and face up to the existence of the ROC in good faith.  It should have the courage to resolve political differences between the two sides and not to misjudge the situation, not to miss opportunities, and not to make the wrong decisions.  We also hope the Taiwan and US experts and scholars of cross-Strait studies here today can apply their wisdom and their past invaluable experience of beating swords into ploughshares to bring new inspiration and impetus.
中華民國是主權國家台灣的核心利益就是維護民主自由體制的永續發展。我們不會因為他人的貶抑而妄自菲薄,我們會更堅定努力地走向國際。展望未來,對話是化解分歧的最佳選項,衝突與和平的取捨其實就在領導人的一念之間,中國大陸應保持良善的心態,真誠地面對中華民國的存在,勇於化解兩岸的政治分歧,不要再錯判情勢、錯失機遇與錯誤決策。也期待在場的台美兩岸研究專家學者,運用智慧及過去化干戈為玉帛的寶貴經驗,提出新的啟發與激盪。

In closing, I would like to wish the conference the greatest success.  Thank you!
最後,預祝會議圓滿成功,謝謝大家!

6 則留言:

  1. 路過的路人A2018/7/24 下午1:16

    都是台灣關係法下的"Taiwan"

    回覆刪除
  2. 中華民國 與 台灣 是兩個彼此背反的概念,在這裡倒成了 正牌(ROC)保護 副牌(TWA),而 副牌 提供 正牌 說服力 的詭異現象。尤其怪的是,找 傳統基金會,尤其是 台灣民主基金會,要在當下正在彼此過招的 美國 與 中國,居中調解。這不是當下中、美、台關係的實際狀態啊!

    Vincent
    其實應該看的不只是單篇的演講稿,而是應該配合一向以來在島內的做為來審視。當然,提台灣,就只有具有主體意識的台灣,這個名稱才具有意義。從個人的感覺來說,整體的做為,顯示出說服人們接受 中華民國,才是此後 台灣 的主要方向,才是總體呈現的結果。大量的民意反彈,對這一點提供了這個看法。

    當然,民眾是只知其一不知其二;人們想了解,路線圖是什麼?日程是什麼?對兩岸的最終結局抱持何種看法?看起來如此篤定,卻又像是摸著石頭過河。當然,個人還是就這些可能,預留了位置。不是說過嗎?兩任。

    人都是一樣;個人對中國、中國人沒有特殊的無謂惡感。就如同對台灣、台灣人也無所謂特殊好感。是非,是要有個曲直的。儘管可能我說錯了,就如同台灣,背反了中華民國一般,妳如何就第 1.2.行的脫離實際,取得邏輯圓滿?

    其實這些有要緊嗎?選舉勝選,才是現實政治下,達成目標的唯一法門。因此我還是喜歡清純,而且具有進步價值,與憑藉知識,出身從事種種公民運動的年輕人政黨。陳儀深教授應該是覺得這些小政黨上不足以形成影響,所以他的論述僅只在國、民兩黨的結構下落筆,有說錯了,實在抱歉!

    最後還是要感謝在朝諸位,無論是年改、軍改、黨產處理的滾滾諸君的不懈努力。前景是光明的。

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  3. 【今日投書:青年對談陳明通華府演講風波 —— 以台灣之名 展現抗中意志】文/顏銘緯
     
      陸委會主委陳明通日前在華府「傳統民主基金會」研討會的演講上多次混用「台灣」與「中華民國」的情形,已被台灣教授協會前副秘書長張國財教授於昨日投書批評,實為毫無必要、自討苦吃的說法。首先,如果我們再從美國日益清楚的「一中政策」(即:世界上只有一個中國,稱為中華人民共和國,其主權不及於台灣)觀之,緊抱著或不斷強調「中華民國」(Republic of China)這具早已被國際社會遺棄的空殼,無疑形同自甘再次落入中國國民黨為台灣人民設下的、永劫的中國緊箍。
     
      再者,事實上,陳明通的說法是蔡英文政府對台灣現狀通行的「官方版本」。蔡政府長期以來以這種「柔性台獨」自居,也常被論者評為是低調穩健、高明務實、不躁進的態度;殊不知這種實則為「佛系華獨」的做法之所以能看似有所進展,是得利於大環境所賜。我們別忘了過往,華府智庫圈或國際輿論曾經一度充斥著「棄台論」的討論,而如今卻轉向發出友台、保台,甚至邀請台灣加入印太戰略重要夥伴的訊號。這是因為伴隨著中國經濟和軍事霸權的崛起,西方世界已發現中國所輸出「中國模式」是與西方民主政治、市場經濟背道而馳的:在政治上,對外輸出擴散威權的銳實力;在經濟上,不完整且不公平的市場經濟體,和以威權政體為領導的技術發展戰略。
     
      以上,表明了單就大國現實的地緣政治考量而論,台灣並非命定論式地被定於一尊。在西方各國逐漸形成圍堵中國的防線中,台灣有很好的機會和高度意願加入這個民主國家的陣營。讓西方各國能夠明白抗中如果是維護國家利益,那麼友台即是符合其利益的一環;也讓他們能夠理解台灣雖小,但卻是一座不斷抵抗中國霸權的島嶼,過去單獨抵抗中國是一件很吃力的事情,如今我們願意一同守護得來不易卻珍貴的共和民主。因此,我們有必要清楚地釋放出類似日前法國世界報在第二版題為「台灣欲抵抗中國威嚇」的訊號。
     
      世界報在另一篇「中國威嚇下催生的台灣獨立主義者」報導中,也闡明了在台灣的民間社會中有多股不能忽視的台獨倡議。所以最後,問題的關鍵將落在執政的蔡英文政府,要繼續擁抱中華民國的幻夢,還是站在台灣人民的立場,進一步主動向國際強調抗中意志和台灣之名。

    Vince

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  4. 美國人,特使吧,葉望輝都這樣說了。
    蔡英文總統如何再繼續政治保守,維持現狀呢?
    川普是商人改變了現狀

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    1. 訓練與經歷,使她是守成之人。
      這沒辦法

      守成,並不是罪過。
      在恰當時機,或許是正確的,甚至有功勞。

      不過,當情勢變遷了,就要改變。
      對個人而言,這等於是否定自己、修改自我。
      非常困難。

      這時候,就要運用「自律」:
      1. 壓抑自己的根性與慣性衝動,然後
      2. 引用專業幕僚
      3. 要型塑一種敢於活潑發想,與縝密的規劃的環境

      這是領導者無可怠惰的責任。
      以觀時勢、立制度(小型的、總統府內的),來修正自己的特性。

      對守成者如此,對開創者一樣如此。
      小英的反相,是KP,也是扁。

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  5. 真趣味,蔡英文總統領導的台灣統治當局不敢脫下ROC外罩,讓台灣留學生在挪威受到不平等待遇。現在留學生決定控告挪威政府,但是沒有錢,由王奕凱發起募資。
    看起來王奕凱有吸收這裡部落格的資訊。
    王奕凱FB募資幫忙告挪威政府

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