以身分對抗台灣：高金素梅與陳玉珍的忠誠選擇 Weaponizing Identity Against Taiwan: The Loyalty Choices of Kao-Chin Su-mei and Chen Yu-jen

【雙魚之論】
On allegations of misusing legislative assistant funds and the possible receipt of financial support from China, the residence of Indigenous legislator Kao-Chin Su-mei（高金素梅）—formerly affiliated with the Kuomintang and now an independent—has already been searched, and her office at the Legislative Yuan is expected to be searched as well. The first figure to publicly disclose the search and step forward to voice support for Kao was Lo Chih-chiang （羅智強）—a close associate of Ma Ying-jeou, whose political stance is also widely regarded as pro-China.

Kao-Chin’s residence is located in the Jingshan Road area of Yangmingshan, a sensitive zone that also hosts international satellite communication facilities. She is currently unreachable. Her office had only just returned to Taiwan from a trip to Sanya, Hainan, China, yet Kao-Chin herself remains out of contact.
In terms of political loyalty, Kao-Chin has long been viewed as pro-China, though in recent years she has no longer positioned herself on the front lines of political confrontation. She comes from a family combining a veteran background and Atayal Indigenous heritage—the Atayal being the most geographically widespread Indigenous group in Taiwan. Such a background could, in principle, have served as a model for ethnic integration. Instead, she has chosen to align herself with the discursive positions of “Indigenous Taiwan under China,” rather than that of “Han Taiwan.”
The effect of this stance is to deploy Indigenous identity against Han-centered Taiwanese identity, and then to use the People’s Republic of China to counter the political existence of the Republic of China (Taiwan). Within her own lived experience and internal logic, this position is, for her, self-consistent and defensible.
A similar pattern can be observed in the case of Chen Yu-jen（陳玉珍）, a legislator from Kinmen. The foundation of her political loyalty is not the Republic of China (Taiwan), but rather Fujian Province–Kinmen. More precisely, the “Republic of China” she recognizes and identifies with is an imagined polity that has continued uninterrupted since 1912—a historical narrative that closely mirrors that of Ma Ying-jeou—rather than the Republic of China that was effectively destroyed by the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and later reconstituted and recognized in 1952 within the U.S.–Japan postwar framework as a polity that bore the same name but differed in substance: the Republic of China (Taiwan).
Like Ka-Chin, Chen uses Fujian to dilute Taiwan, and China to supersede the Republic of China (Taiwan), de-grading its political existence to that of a mere “province.”

以助理費濫用與可能的收受中國資金為由，國民黨出身（現為無黨籍）原住民立委高金素梅的住所已遭搜索，其立法院辦公室亦即將被搜索。第一位公開揭露此事並出面聲援高金的，是羅智強——他與馬英九親近，立場也被認為傾中。
高金的住所位於陽明山菁山路一帶，屬於國際通訊衛星設施所在的敏感路段。目前無法聯繫。辦公室才剛從中國的海南三亞旅遊回台灣，但目前無法聯繫高金。
在政治忠誠上，高金一向被視為傾中，但她近年已不再站在政治衝突的第一線。她出身於老兵與泰雅族原住民組成的家庭——泰雅族是台灣地域分布最廣的原住民族群。原本這樣的身分組合，理應可以成為族群融合的典範；然而，她選擇站在「中國的原住民台灣」的論述位置，而非「漢人台灣」，更非中華民國（台灣）。其效果是以原住民身分對抗漢族群的台灣認同，然後以中華人民共和國來對抗中華民國（台灣）的政治存在。在其自身的經歷與邏輯中，這樣的立場對她而言是可以自圓其說的。
相似的情況，也可見於金門立委陳玉珍。其政治忠誠的基礎，並非建立在「中華民國（台灣）」之上，而是根植於「福建省金門」。更精確地說，她所認知與認同的「中華民國」，是一個自1912年起延續至今、從未中斷的想像共同體——這一點與馬英九的歷史敘事高度一致；而非那個在1949年被中華人民共和國實質消滅、隨後於1952年在日美體系下以「名同而實異」形式獲得承認的「中華民國（台灣）」。與高金類似，陳玉珍以福建來稀釋台灣，也以中國來凌駕中華民國（台灣），讓其政治存在降格為「省」。