【縛雞之見】
文中,有很有趣的句子。
〈謹慎的擁抱:在專制獨裁的時代捍衛民主內容〉
A cautious
embrace: defending democracy in an age of autocracies Contents UK Parliament 20191105 Taimocracy翻譯 20191107
Summary
Democracies today face a greater challenge than ever before. Autocratic
states are undermining the rules-based international system that has seen
freedom and prosperity become more widespread. While the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office (FCO) recognises the threats, and work is being done across
Whitehall to address them in the fields of cyber security, disinformation and
illicit finance, the efforts to combat autocratic interference need to increase
if we are to continue to be able to sup at the same table. We are going to need
a longer spoon.
今天,民主國家面臨前所未有的挑戰。獨裁國家正在破壞以規則為基礎的國際制度,這種制度使自由和繁榮變得更加普遍。儘管外交和聯邦事務部(FCO)認識到此威脅,並且白廳(聯合王國政府)正在努力解決網絡安全,虛假信息和非法融資領域中的威脅,但如果我們要繼續與惡魔(=專制政府=CCP) 同桌共餐(=交往、合作),就需要增加打擊專制干擾的努力。我們將需要更長的湯匙(=要有因應惡魔下毒手的方案)。
One area which has not sufficiently been addressed is autocracies’
influence on academic freedom in the UK. The FCO’s current focus is on
protecting universities from intellectual property theft and risks arising from
joint research projects. This is not enough to protect academic freedom from
other types of interference such as financial, political or diplomatic
pressure, with a view to shaping the research agenda or curricula of UK
universities or attempts to limit the activities of UK university campuses. The
FCO and universities should develop together a strategy to address the
challenges posed by autocracies to UK universities. The FCO should start by
examining the mounting evidence of foreign influence in UK universities to
fully understand the extent of the problem. We also recommend that the UK
should coordinate with like-minded countries on academic freedom to stop us
from being played off against each other using established groups, such as the
Commonwealth, to help coordinate. Given the cross-departmental nature of the
issue, we recommend that a Whitehall Champion is appointed to oversee
Government efforts to protect academic freedom in the UK and share best
practice with universities.
一個尚未被述及的領域是,專制對聯合王國學術自由的影響。FCO當前的重點是保護大學免受竊取智慧財產權和聯合研究項目帶來的風險。這不足以保護學術自由不受其他類型的干擾,例如財務,政治或外交壓力,以期塑造聯合王國大學的研究議程或課程,或試圖限制聯合王國大學校園的活動。FCO和大學應共同制訂一項戰略,以應對專制國家對聯合王國大學的挑戰。FCO首先應研究外國影響力在聯合王國大學中不斷增加的證據,以充分理解問題的嚴重性。我們還建議聯合王國在學術自由方面與志趣相投的國家協調,以阻止我們利用國協等已建立的團體相互幫助,相互對抗。考慮到問題的跨部門性質,我們建議任命白廳捍衛者,以監督政府為保護聯合王國學術自由和與大學分享最佳實踐所做的努力。
Sanctions—the subject of two previous reports by this Committee—are also
an important foreign policy tool in relation to autocracies. Although the FCO has confirmed that it has
powers under the Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018 (SAMLA) to impose
sanctions against individuals connected with autocratic regimes, it has not yet
used these powers. To ensure
cross-departmental coherence, and greater effectiveness, of the UK’s sanctions
policy, we reiterate our recommendation that the Government appoint a Senior Responsible Owner (SRO) with personal
accountability to the National Security Council for devising and implementing
sanctions policy. We also call on the
Government to act with much greater urgency in establishing the power and
processes with which to block listings in the UK on national security grounds—a
potentially crucial tool in limiting the influence and reach of autocracies in
the UK.
制裁是本委員會前兩次報告的主題,也是與獨裁政體有關的重要外交政策工具。儘管根據《2018年制裁和反洗錢法》(SAMLA)已確認FCO有權對與獨裁政權有聯繫的個人實施制裁,但它尚未使用這些權力。為了確保聯合王國制裁政策的跨部門連貫性和更大效力,我們重申我們的建議,即政府任命一名對國家安全委員會資深負責人,負責制定和實施制裁政策。我們還呼籲政府更加儘速採取行動,得以國家安全為基礎建立權力和程序?,這是限制聯合王國專制統治的影響和影響的潛在關鍵工具。
We continue to be concerned by the dangerous erosion of the One Country,
Two Systems principle of governance in Hong Kong—a key finding of our March
2019 report on China and the rules-based international system. We reiterate our
view that the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong is a legally binding international treaty registered at the
United Nations. The UK, along with Australia, Canada and New Zealand, are
judiciaries represented in the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal. The FCO should coordinate its response to the
Hong Kong crisis with partner governments of these
judiciaries. We further recommend that the Government grants residency
to Hong Kong citizens who are British National (Overseas) passport holders in
recognition of their status as British nationals and as a means of reassurance
to UK nationals.
我們繼續對香港一國兩制治理原則的危險侵蝕感到擔憂—這是我們2019年3月關於中國和基於規則的國際體系的報告的一項重要發現。我們重申我們的觀點,即《中英香港聯合聲明》是在聯合國註冊的具有法律約束力的國際條約。聯合王國,澳大利亞,加拿大和紐西蘭在香港終審法院有司法代表。FCO應協調這些司法代表所屬的伙伴政府應對香港危機。我們進一步建議,政府給予持有聯合王國國民(海外)護照的香港公民居留權,以承認其為聯合王國國民身份,以及對聯合王國國民的再保證。
Hong Kong
38. In April 2019, our report on China
and the international rules-based system noted the dangerous erosion of the
One Country, Two Systems principle of governance in Hong Kong. Since then, the situation has markedly
deteriorated. We reiterate our view that the
Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong is a legally binding international
treaty registered at the United Nations. Its validity and implementation are of
profound importance both to UK national interests and to the health of the
rules-based international system. We are
therefore deeply concerned by the events in Hong Kong over the last six months,
which have demonstrated that Hong Kong’s autonomy
is at risk, especially in the area of the rule of law, which underpins its
economy.
2019年4月,我們〈關於中國和基於規則的國際制度〉的報告指出,香港一國兩制的治理原則正在遭受危險的侵蝕。此後,情況明顯惡化。我們重申我們的觀點,即《中英香港聯合聲明》是在聯合國註冊的具有法律約束力的國際條約。它的有效性和實施對於英國國家利益和基於規則的國際體系的健康都具有極其重要的意義。因此,我們對過去六個月來香港發生的事件深表關切,這些事件表明,香港的自治受到威脅,特別是在法治領域,這是支撐其經濟的領域。
39. As one of the judiciaries
represented in the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal (CFA), we believe that there
could be a reputational risk to the UK if the Government inadvertently appears
complicit in supporting and participating in a system that is undermining the
rule of law. In August, we wrote to our
counterparts in the parliaments of Australia, Canada and New Zealand, also
represented on the CFA, to urge our governments to assess the impact of
continued participation in the CFA if current trends continue.
作為香港終審法院(CFA)法官代表之一,我們認為,如果政府無意中出現同謀支持和參與破壞法治的體系,那麼英國可能會面臨聲譽風險。8月間,我們寫信給也有法官代表在終審法院的澳大利亞,加拿大和紐西蘭議會議員,敦促我們的政府評估:假使情勢持續下去,繼續參加終審法院的可能衝擊。
41. In its response to this
report, the Government should provide us with its assessment of the reputational risk to the UK being an active
participant in the Hong Kong judiciary.
政府在回應這份報告時,應向我們提供有關聯合王國積極參與香港司法機構聲譽風險的評估。
We recommend that the Government coordinates its response to the Hong
Kong crisis with the governments of Australia, Canada and New Zealand as judiciaries represented in the Hong Kong Court of
Final Appeal. We further
recommend that the Government extends the right of abode to Hong Kong residents
who are British National (Overseas) passport holders as a means of reassurance
that the UK cares about its nationals.
我們建議政府與作為香港終審法院代表的司法機構的澳大利亞,加拿大和新西蘭政府協調對香港危機的應對。我們進一步建議政府將居留權擴大至英國國民(海外)護照持有人的香港居民,以確保英國關心其國民。
英翻中練習:
回覆刪除...the efforts to combat autocratic interference need to increase if we are to continue to be able to sup at the same table. We are going to need a longer spoon.
如果我們要繼續與惡魔(=專制政府=CCP) 同桌共餐(=交往、合作),就需要增加打擊專制干擾的努力。 我們將需要更長的湯匙(=要有因應惡魔下毒手的方案)。
Refs:
1. https://www.englishclub.com/ref/esl/Sayings/Quizzes/Badness/He_who_sups_with_the_devil_should_have_a_long_spoon_842.php
2. https://www.phrases.org.uk/bulletin_board/28/messages/1053.html
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