【雙魚之論】
Those who are about to lose their stage tend to become extraordinarily
anxious—greed grows, and behavior increasingly departs from reason and normal
boundaries.
It is rumored that, with assistance from the AIT, TPP Chair Huang Kuo-chang
even claimed, “The AIT Taipei director’s attitude is very different from that
of Washington.” That remark itself is reportedly the reason he insists on
making a trip to Washington, D.C.—even though, in terms of timing, it would be
difficult to secure any meaningful meetings, and even having no meetings at all
would not really matter.
As long as there are rumors of closed-door meetings (not necessarily factual),
that alone is enough for Huang Kuo-chang to exploit politically. Because no one
knows what was discussed, he can freely sow division within the U.S. government
and between the U.S. and Taiwan, while others have no way to refute him. At
most, it becomes a matter of competing narratives.
Huang Kuo-chang even went so far as to throw Raymond Greene’s own words back at
him, saying, “We hope the United States will respect Taiwan’s democratic
processes, just as Taiwan respects America’s democratic processes.” He further
accused Greene of “behaving like a Taiwanese administrative official.” Such
remarks, coming from the chairman of the Taiwan People’s Party, effectively
amount to accusing a U.S. diplomat—Raymond Greene—of betraying his own country.
This is extremely serious, and the tactic itself is strikingly communist in
nature.
As for whether the special defense budget includes procurement conducted in
Taiwan—of course it does. Anyone who has read Trump Administration’s U.S. National
Security Strategy and Defense Strategy knows that rebuilding the U.S.
military-industrial base, and dispersing—or even forward-deploying—production
of critical weapons and ammunition closer to the front lines, is a defining
feature of the current U.S. administration’s National Security Strategy and Defense
Strategy. Therefore, procurement in Taiwan—whether weapons are produced by U.S.
companies locally, or manufactured in Taiwan under U.S. licensing to U.S.
specifications—fully qualifies as special military procurement.
If the Legislative Yuan does not even accept the Executive Yuan’s bill for
review, how could legislators possibly learn the contents of the budget through
legislative deliberation? The key lies in formally accepting the bill. Only
after acceptance does the content exist for review. If aspects are deemed
inappropriate, they can then be reduced or vetoed item by item.
即將失去舞台的人,會有多焦慮、貪念多大及行為多違常理。
傳聞在AIT幫忙安排下,黃國昌居然說「AIT處長的態度跟華府落差很大。」這句話就是他要走一趟DC的原因,即便時間上很難出現有意義的拜會,甚至沒有拜會,也無所謂。
只要有閉門會面的傳言(不一定是事實)就夠黃國昌發揮了。因為沒有人知道內容,所以,黃國昌可以隨便分化美國政府、分化美台關係,他人根本無從指正。最多是各說各話~
黃國昌甚至說以谷立言的話回敬谷立言「希望美國尊重台灣民主程序,就像台灣尊重美國民主程序。」更進一步指控谷立言「表現得跟台灣行政官員一樣」,此言等於民眾黨主席指控美國外交官谷立言叛國,非常嚴重。其行為模式非常共產黨。
至於是否國防特別預算有在台採購的部份,當然有——只要讀過美國國安報告與國防報告的人都會知道,重整美國軍事工業,以及分散甚至前進到戰線生產必要武器與彈藥,本就是本屆美國政府國安與國防的特點。因此,在台灣採購不管是美商生產,或美商授權在台生產的美規武器全部是特別軍購。
假使立法院不收行政院的草案,他又如何能透過法案審議,而得知預算的內容?關鍵在收文,收文之後才有內容。覺得不妥,刪減或單項否決即可。
黃國昌談軍購關稅 「谷立言介入台灣內政太深」 聯合 20260204
行政院提出一點二五兆元軍購特別條例草案遭藍白阻擋,僅付委民眾黨團版本。民眾黨主席黃國昌昨質疑,賴政府要買什麼軍購、台美關稅談判內容,國人和在野黨都不清楚,怎麼審?他也批評美國在台協會(AIT)處長谷立言「介入台灣的內政太深了」,如果台美真的是價值同盟,希望美國尊重台灣民主程序,就像台灣尊重美國民主程序。
黃國昌昨接受聯合報專訪表示,大家原先不知道一點二五兆元有三分之一不是對美軍事採購,直到他訪美返台後揭露,民進黨政府才匆忙說,本來就不是全部對美軍購,那為何一開始不說清楚?立法院已做成決議要求賴總統針對軍購特別條例草案國情報告,他喊話賴總統:「如果想通過行政院版本,就出來公開辯論,若大部分民眾認為有道理,民眾黨八票全部支持。」
黃國昌透露,在國會還不清楚軍購特別條例細項,賴政府就要通過特別條例,美方也認為很誇張;一月十九日立院外交及國防委員會邀請國防部報告,他訪美時就知曉,「顯然有個聲音告訴台灣政府,你們這樣搞太離譜」。
AIT處長谷立言對一點二五兆元軍購特別預算表達歡迎,並強調自由不是免費。黃國昌說,谷立言態度與華府落差很大,谷立言「介入台灣的內政太深了」、配合行政院長卓榮泰演戲,表現得跟台灣行政官員一樣。
賴總統昨表示台美關稅談判成果得來不易,盼立院依法審查。黃國昌說,談判連簽了什麼都不知道、所有事情都是秘密,賴政府是否承諾去阿拉斯加投資?要投資多少錢?換什麼回來?有誰知道?協議連送都沒送到立法院,如此就要國會支持,「這裡是台灣的立法院,不是北京人民大會堂」。
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